Vol. 1 · pages 251–255
Castes in India, Annihilation of Caste, Linguistic States and other essays
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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236 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
a master or whether he died as a common man sometimes does of common
cold. As a matter of fact Ranade was not troubled by any regrets. So far as
record goes Ranade does not seem to be conscious of any act or event about
which he had any regrets. He died a happy and a peaceful death. But it is
worth-while asking could Ranade have any regrets if he came to life today ?
I am sure there is one matter over which he will feel extremely grieved—
namely the present condition of the Liberal Party in India.
What is the present position of the Liberal Party in India ? The Liberal
Party is a casualty. Indeed this is a very mild expression. The Liberals are
“the contemptibles” of Indian politics. To use the language of Norton used
in another connection they are disowned by the people, unowned by the
Government, having the virtues of neither, but possessing the vices of both.
There was a time when the Liberal Party was the rival of the Congress.
Today the relation of the Liberal Party to the Congress is that of a dog to
his master. Occasionally the dog barks at his master but for the most part
of his life he is content to follow him. What is the Liberal Party if not the
tail of the Congress ? Many are asking, why do not the Liberals merge in
the Congress—so useless has their existence become. How can Ranade help
not regretting the collapse of the Liberal Party ? How can any Indian help
regretting it ?
The collapse of the Liberal Party is a tragedy to the Liberals. But it is
really a disaster to the country. The existence of a party is so essential to
a popular Government that it is impossible to conceive the possibility of
getting on without it. As an eminent American historian says :
“It is easier to imagine the demolition of any part of our constitutional
organization, the submersion of a large part of what the constitution describes,
than to imagine our getting on without political combinations : they are our
vital institutions.”
Indeed to attempt to govern a country by the mass of voters without the
control and discipline of a Party is, to use the language of James Bryce :
“Like attempting to manage a rail-board by the votes of uniformed share
holders, or to lay the course of a sailing ship by the votes of the passengers.”
It is undeniable that a party is an essential adjunct to Popular Government.
But it is equally undeniable that the rule of a single party is fatal to Popular
Government. In fact it is a negation of Popular Government. The case of
Germany and Italy furnish the most cogent evidence on this point. Instead of
taking a warning from the totalitarian States we are taking them as models
to copy. The one party system is being hailed in this country in the name
of national solidarity. Those who are doing so are failing to take note of the
possibilities of tyranny as well as the possibilities of misdirection of public
affairs which is inherent in the one party Government. To have Popular
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Government run by a single party is to let democracy become a mere
form for despotism to play its part from behind it. How under one party
Government the tyranny of the majority ceases to be an empty phrase
and becomes a menacing fact has been our experience, in India, under
the Congress Regime. Were we not told by Mr. Rajgopalachariar that the
separation of the Executive and the Judiciary which was necessary under
the British is no longer necessary ? Does it not show the Despot’s taste for
blood ? Despotism does not cease to be despotism because it is elective. Nor
does despotism become agreeable because the Despots belong to our own
kindred. To make it subject to election is no guarantee against despotism.
The real guarantee against despotism is to confront it with the possibility
of its dethronement, of its being laid low, of its being superseded by a rival
party. Every Government is liable to error of judgment, great many liable
to bad administration and not a few to corruption, injustice and acts of
oppression and bad faith. No Government ought to be free from criticism.
But who can criticize a Government ? Left to individuals it can never be
done. Sir Toby has left behind advice as to how one should deal with one’s
enemy. He said : “soon, so soon as ever thou seest him, draw, and as thou
drawest, swear horrible” But this is not possible for an individual who
wants to stand up against a Government. There are various things against
individuals successfully playing that part. There is in the first place what
Bryce calls the fatalism of the multitude, that tendency to acquiesce and
submit due to the sense of insignificance of individual effort, the sense of
helplessness arising from the belief that the affairs of men are swayed by
large forces whose movements cannot be turned by individual effort. In
the second place there is possibility of the tyranny of the majority which
often manifests in suppressing and subjecting to penalties and other social
disabilities persons who do not follow the majority, of which some of us have
good experience during the Congress regime. In the third place there is the
fear of the C.I.D. The Gestapo and all the other instrumentalities which are
at the disposal of the Government to shadow its critics and to silence them.
The secret of freedom is courage, and courage is born in combination
of individuals into a party. A party is necessary to run Government. But
two parties are necessary to keep Government from being a despotism. A
democratic Government can remain democratic only if it is worked by two
parties—a party in power and a party in opposition. As Jennings puts it :
“If there is no opposition there is no democracy. ‘His Majesty’s Opposition’
is no idle phrase. His Majesty needs an opposition as well as a Government.”
In the light of these considerations who could deny that the collapse of
the Liberal Party in India is not a major disaster ? Without the resusciation
of the Liberal Party or the formation of another party the fight for freedom
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will result in loss of freedom for despotism is antithetical of freedom whether
the despotism is native or foreign. It is a pity Indians have lost sight of this
fact. But I have no doubt those who are shouting that the Congress is the
only party and that the Congress is the nation will live to rue their decision.
Why has the Liberal Party collapsed? Is there something wrong in the
Philosophy of Ranade ? Is there anything wrong with the men in the Liberal
Party ? Or is the working of the Liberal Party at fault ? I for one hold that
there is nothing fundamentally wrong with the philosophy of Ranade. Nor
can it be said that of the two the Congress has the best cause and the
Liberal Party the best men. The Liberal Party has both. To my mind what
has brought about the collapse of the Liberal Party is the complete lack of
organization.
It may not be without interest to expose the weaknesses in the organization
of the Liberal Party.
As pointed out by Pendleton Herring in his volume on Politics of Democracy
the organization of a party is spread over three concentric rings. The centre
ring represents the oligarchy in control of the party organization—what is
called the High Command. There are associated with it, its workers who
are primarily concerned with securing their livelihood through the party
organiza tion whether as party officials or through public office. They are
called professional politicians and constitute the party machine. Surrounding
this inner group—the High Command and the machine—there is a large
circle of persons bound to the party by ties of tradition and emotional
loyalty. They think of the principles professed by the party. They are more
concerned with its ideals and symbols than with the acts of the professional
party workers and leaders. They vote for the party ideal rather than for the
party record. Outside this second ring lies that vast body of people who are
not attached to any party. It is a floating population. The reason for their
being unattached is either because they are aimless, thoughtless or because
they have particular interests which are not included in the platform of
any party. Those outside the second ring constitute the most vital field of
action for a political party. They are the prize which a party must capture.
To capture this prize it is not enough to enunciate principles and formulate
policies. Men are not interested in principles and policies. But they are
interested in accomplishing things. What is necessary for a party is to bring
about concerted action. For in the words of President Woodrow Wilson, given
self-Government with a majority rule, things can be accomplished not by
individual voice but by concerted action. Now for concerted action what is
necessary is the crystallization of individual opinions into public opinion.
This crystallization or building up of public opinion as a sanction behind a
particular principle becomes the main functions of a party. Theoretically,
political parties are agencies for the expression and execution of public
opinion but in practice parties create, direct, influence and often control
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public opinion. Indeed this is the chief function of a party. For this, a party
must do two things. In the first place it must establish contact with the
masses. It must go out among the masses with its wares—its principles,
policies, ideas and candidates. In the second place it must carry on propaganda
among the masses in favour of its wares. It must animate them and enlighten
them, to quote Bryce again “Give the voters some knowledge of the political
issues they have to decide, to inform them of their leaders, and the crimes
of their opponents”. These are the basic factors from which concerted action
can arise. A party which fails to forge concerted action has no right to call
itself a party.
Which of these things the Liberal Party has done as an organization? The
Liberal Party has only the High Command. It has no machine. Not having
any machine the high command is only a shadow. Its following is confined
to that second concentric ring consisting of persons who are bound by ties
of tradition. The leaders have nothing to evoke emotional loyalty. They have
no war-cry to gather a crowd. The Liberal Party does not believe in mass
contact. It would be difficult to imagine a party so completely isolated and
insulated from the main mass of people. It does not believe in conversion.
Not that it has no Gospel to preach ; but like the Hindu religion it is a
non-proselytising creed. It believes in the formulation of principles and
policies. But it does not work for giving effect to them. Propaganda and
concerted action are anathema to the Liberal Party. Individual voices and
annual meetings and clamour for invitation when a Cripps arrives or when
the Viceroy decides to invite important individuals have become the limits
of its political activity.
Is there any wonder if the Liberal Party has fallen into disrepute ? The
Liberal Party has forgotten the most elementary fact that organization is
essential for the accomplishment of any purpose and particularly in politics
where the harnessing of so many divergent elements in a working unity is
so great.
Who is responsible for this collapse of the Liberal Party in India ?
How ever much we may regret to have to say it, I think it will have to be
admitted that the responsibility for this catastrophe does to some extent fall
on Ranade. Ranade belonged to the Classes. He was born and bred among
them. He never became a man of masses. The Liberal Party has no machine
and the reason why it did not forge a machine is because it did not believe
in mass contact. This aversion to mass contact is the legacy of Ranade. In
avoiding mass contact the party is following the tradition left by Ranade.
There is another legacy of Ranade to the Liberal Party and that relates to
the false faith in the driving force of principles and policies. Mazzini once
said : “You may kill men, you cannot kill a great idea.” To me it appears
to be a most mistaken view. Men are mortal. So are ideas. It is wrong to
hold that an idea will take roots pro prio-vigore. An idea needs propagation
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as much as a plant needs watering. Both will otherwise wither and die.
Ranade agreed with Mazzini and did not believe that the fructification of
an idea needed the resources of strenuous husbandry. If the Liberal Party
is content with mere formulation of principles and policies it is also because
of this tradition of Ranade.
What is the duty of the Liberals. All Liberals I know will say our duty
is to follow the master. What else could be the attitude of a devout band of
disciples ? But can anything be more mistaken or more uncritical ? Such an
attitude implies two things. It means that a great man works by imposing
his maxims on his disciples. It means that the disciples should not be wiser
than the master. Both these conclusions are wrong. They do injustice to
the master. No great man really does his work by crippling his disciple by
forcing on them his maxims or his conclusions. What a great man does is
not to impose his maxims on his disciples. What he does is to evoke them,
to awaken them to a vigorous and various exertion of their faculties. Again
the pupil only takes his guidance from his master. He is not bound to
accept his master’s conclusions. There is no ingratitude in the disciple not
accepting the maxims or the conclusions of his master. For even when he
rejects them he is bound to acknowledge to his master in deep reverence
“You awakened me to be myself : for that I thank you.” The master is not
entitled to less. The disciple is not bound to give more.
It is therefore wrong to the master as well as to himself for the disciple
to bind himself to the maxims and conclusions of his Master. His duty is to
know the principles and if he is convinced of their value and their worth,
to spread them. That is the wish of every Master. Jesus wished it, Buddha
wished it. I am sure the same must be the wish of Ranade. It follows that
if the Liberals have faith in, and love and respect for Ranade their supreme
duty lies not merely in assembling together to sing his praises but in
organising themselves for spreading the Gospel of Ranade.
What hope is there of the Liberals coming forward to fulfil this duty?
Signs are very depressing. In the last election the Liberals did not even
contest the seats. That of course is in itself a matter of some surprise. But
this pales into nothing when one recalls the announcement made by the
Rt. Hon’ble Srinivas Shastri—the Leading Light of the Liberal Party— that
he wished the Congress to succeed ! ! There is no parallel to this except
in the treacherous and treasonous conduct of Bhishma who lived on the
bounty of the Kauravas but wished and worked for success to their enemies
the Pandavas. This shows even the Liberals had lost faith in the gospel of
Ranade. If this is the general condition of health of the Liberal Party it is
better if the party died. It would clear the way for a new orientation and
spare us the tedium of idle clatter of liberals and liberalism. For such an
event even Ranade may express satisfaction from his grave.
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