Vol. 10 · pages 116–120
As Member of the Governor-General's Executive Council, 1942–46
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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THE WAR INJURIES (COMPENSATION INSURANCE) BILL
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Sir, I may not
have sufficient amount of culture, but I claim average amount
of intelligence. Sir, applying such amount of intelligence as I
possess to this clause, I think my Honourable friend has entirely
misunderstood the purpose of it and the necessity for it. The
purpose of the clause is really not to levy distress or to take a
warrant, but the purpose of the clause is to obtain information
and search for information. Now, Sir, my Honourable friend
has not understood why accurate information in this case is
absolutely important. I would like to tell him that information
is important not only from the point of view of the Government,
but information is important from the point of view of employers
themselves. Sir, it is perfectly possible for a fraudulent employer,
for instance, to submit faulty information, wrong information,
information understating his wages bill, information understating
the number of employees who are working under him. The
premia shall have to be based upon information that has been
submitted. It would be perfectly possible for good employers being
penalised and they have to pay more for the fault of fraudulent
employers who by passing false information might try to escape
liability of the law imposed upon them. Therefore, this clause is
absolutely necessary, necessary in the interests of the employers
themselves. I cannot understand how there can be any objection
merely because the law provides that when there has been a case
where it is suspected or where Government have information that
accurate information has not been supplied that Government
should have the power to get accurate information which, as I
submit, is the very rock on which this sytem is founded. Sir, I
oppose the amendment.
* * *
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* First Session of Plenary Labour Conference
Dr. Ambedkar on Social Security
Following is the full text of the speech delivered by the
Hon’ble Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Member for Labour, at the
first session of the Plenary Labour Conference in New Delhi,
Monday, September 6 :—
I welcome you to the first session of the Plenary Labour
Conference. Thirteen months ago, on August 7 last year, the
representatives of the Provincial Governments, Indian States,
Employers and Employees were invited by the Government
of India to meet in Delhi in a Tripartite Labour Conference.
The motive for calling such a Conference was twofold.
For a long time the conviction had gained ground that the
industrial problems and problems of Labour Welfare could not
be solved unless the three parties—Government, Employers
and Employees—developed a sense of responsibility towards
one another, showed more respect for the views of one another
and agreed to work in a spirit of give and take and that
there was not much chance of such a sense of mutual respect
and responsibility growing up so long as one was engaged in
talking at the other. A plan to bring them together and to
let them talk to each other across the table was felt to be
necessary for the realization of this purpose.
Although the idea of such Tripartite Organization was
there, it is doubtful if it would have taken concrete shape so
quickly if the war had not made the maintenance of Labour
Morale an urgent and immediate necessity. The war has
hastened the implementation of the Tripartite Organization
in another way.
* Indian Information, September 15, 1943, pp. 143-44.
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FIRST SESSION OF PLENARY LABOUR CONFERENCE
Bold Policy
Under the stress of the war, the Government of India was called
upon in increasing degree to deal with industrial problems and
problems of Labour Welfare and I am glad to be able to say that
it did not hesitate to take a very bold line of action.
It undertook the task of converting unskilled men by giving
them technical training and establishing numerous training
schools.
It introduced two new principles in the prevailing Labour
Code which are of far-reaching importance and which mark a
significant departure from tradition.
It took upon itself as its duty and responsibility the right to
prescribe fair wages and fair conditions of service.
It also took upon itself as its duty and responsibility to
compel employers and employees to submit their disputes to
arbitration. This is not all. The Government of India undertook
the responsibility for ensuring the welfare of Labour, not merely
by directing what should be done for the well-being of the
workers but also by appointing an agency of its own to see if
the directions issued by it are carried out or not.
This bold policy was taken on its own initiative and judgment.
It was, however, felt that it would be better for the Labour policy
of the Government of India if a machinery was created to enable
it to obtain advice from Provincial and State Governments, from
Employers and Employees to enable it to act confidently in the
discharge of the new duties which had fallen upon it.
Two Bodies Constituted
It was for this double purpose that the Tripartite Labour
Conference was called. It was put to the Conference whether
the time had not arrived for establishing a permanent and a
representative body to discuss industrial problems of Labour
Welfare both in their legislative and administrative aspects and
also to advise the Government of India as to the most satisfactory
line of action in dealing with those problems. The representatives
who were then present unanimously accepted the proposal and
resolved to constitute two bodies, one bigger to be called the
Plenary Labour Conference and the other smaller to be called
the Standing Labour Committee.
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102 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
The Tripartite Labour Conference has its genesis in the
exigencies of war. But I am happy to say that it is to last
beyond the war. It is going to be an institution which will have
a permanent place in the economic structure of the country.
Nobody, I am sure, will have any doubt as to the wisdom
of the decision taken in favour of having such a representative
forum for the discussion of industrial and labour problems.
A survey of the work done during the last 13 months will be
sufficient to remove it.
Since August 7, 1942, when these two bodies came into being
there have been three meetings of the Standing labour Committee.
The Agenda of the first meeting of the Standing Labour Committee
comprised subjects such as Wartime Labour Legislation, Problems
of production such as settlement of disputes, absenteeism, Hours
of work, Industrial Fatigue, Health Research Boards, Earnings of
Labour, Dearness Allowances, Profit Bonuses, Savings, Questions
of Welfare, Cost-price grain shops, Joint Committee for A.R.P.
and Welfare work ; and Rounding-off Wage Payments in view
of the shortage of small coins.
The Agenda for the second meeting covered subjects like :
Supply of Essential food articles to Labour, Joint Adjudication
under Defence of India Rule 81-A, and Deferred Bonuses.
The third meeting was devoted to the consideration of a
fair wage clause in Government Contracts, Joint Production
Committees, Appointment of Labour Officers in Industrial
undertakings, Working of the Defence of India Rule 81-A,
Establishment of Employment Exchanges, and Collection of
Statistics under the Industrial Statistics Act.
This will give an idea of the very wide range of the subjects
which have been discussed by the Standing Labour Committee.
It has not been possible to come to unanimous decisions on
matters which have been discussed.
Extremely Useful
But the discussions have been extremely useful and the Government
of India having been greatly benefitted by them. Owing to want of
unanimity the Government of India could not take positive action on
most of the matters that were discussed. But where there has been
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FIRST SESSION OF PLENARY LABOUR CONFERENCE
unanimity the Government of India has not been slow to accept
those decisions and give effect to them. In support of this I would
refer here to certain items such as the War Injuries (Compensation
Insurance) Act and the National Service (Technical Personnel
Amendment) Ordinance. Other instances would be the Industrial
Statistics Act and the Employment Exchanges Scheme. Action
in consonance with the decisions of the Conference under both
these will be taken very soon.
Fundamental Change In Outlook
There may be many to whom this progress may appear to be very
meagre. To them I would say that theirs is the wrong perspective.
There are no short cuts to progress and one cannot be sure that
short cuts will be right cuts. Progress by peaceful means is
always a slow process and to impatient idealists like myself it
is sometimes painfully slow. In an old country like India, with
no tradition of collective action and no trace of social conscience
progress is bound to be slower. No one need be disheartened by
this. For to my mind what matters is not so much the rate of
progress as the nature of the outlook.
Looking at the Tripartite Conference from this point of view
I have no hesitation in saying that the great achievement of the
Tripartite Conference is the fundamental change it has brought
about in the outlook of Government and of Employers and of
Employees on labour problems. No one who has participated in
these Conferences could have failed to sense it. Assured of a
healthy and wholesome change in the outlook we can confidently
hope for acceleration in the rate of our progress.
ITEMS ON AGENDA
The Agenda of this Plenary Labour Conference include eight
items. They are:—
(i) Involuntary unemployment, due to shortage of coal, raw
materials etc.
(ii) Social Security; Minimum wages.
(iii) Principles of fixing dearness allowance.
(iv) Provisions for standing orders on the lines of the provisions
in Chapter V of the Bombay Industrial Disputes Act, in
large industrial concerns.