Vol. 10 · pages 26–30

9WHO’S WHO IN VICEROY’S COUNCIL His own writings include “The Problem of the Rupee”, “Provincial Finance in British India”, “Annihilation of Caste”, “Federation versus Freedom” and “Thoughts on Pakistan.” He has conducted Marathi newspapers to awaken the untouchables politically. In 1919* he started the “Muka Nayak” (“Leader of the Dumb”,), but this died a natural death soon after he left to resume his studies in Europe. In 1923@ he started the “Bahiskrata Bharat” (“Excluded India”), a title which was changed to “Janata” (“The People”) some years ago as he felt that its appeal should not be solely to the communities composing “Excluded India.” Attitude To Religion A word should be said about Dr. Ambedkar’s attitude to religion. He feels that the Hindu social system, with its four castes and a great mass of outcasts, has been a source of weakness to India as a whole and he docs not wish to remain within its fold. Some years ago the Jat Pat Todak Mandal, a reformist Hindu organisation, invited him to preside over their annual conference. Later the conference was cancelled as his draft presidential address, in which he stated that it would be his last speech as a Hindu, was not acceptable to the Mandal. He published that undelivered speech as a booklet “Annihilation of Caste.” Its title shows his attitude to caste. But, while he is determined not to remain a Hindu and has studied the teachings of several other religions, including Buddhism, Sikhism and Christianity, Dr. Ambedkar will not yet announce his entry into another faith. The untouchables, he feels, still need him. His conversion now would have far-reaching repercussions. His faith and the faith of every follower of his is a matter which each man should settle for himself; and he docs not wish to influence his followers in this matter. When he has handed over the leadership of the untochables to others and retired from public life, he will tell the world of his decision. For the present his crusade must go on. zz * Should be 1920.— Ed. @ Should be 1927.— Ed.

2 * Appointment as Labour Member of the Viceroy’s Council [Dr. B. R. Ambedkar joined as Member of the Viceroy’s Council on the 20th July 1942. He was asked to look after the portfolio of Labour. The appointment letter issued by His Majesty’s office in this regard reads as under :—Ed.] GEORGE R. I. George the Sixth by the grace of God of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the seas, King Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India. To our Trusty and Well Beloved Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, Esquire, Doctor of Science, Barrister-at-Law. GREETING ! We do by this, Our Warrant Our Sign Manual, appoint you, the said Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar to be, during Our pleasure, a Member of the Executive Council of Our Governor-General of India. (II) And we do hereby appoint that so soon as you shall have entered upon the duties of your office, this our warrant shall have effect. Given at our Court at St. James’, this ninth day of July in the year of our Lord, one thousand nine hundred and forty-two and in the sixth year of our Reign. By His Majesty’s Command Sd/- L. S. Amery. zz * Khairmode C. B., Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (Marathi Biography), Vol. 9, 1987, p. 113 (Published by Maharashtra Rajya Sahitya Sanskruti Mandal, Bombay). Dr. Ambedkar was already nominated as member of the National Defence Council vide Government Communique, dated 21st July 1941. —Ed.

3 * The Need for Uniformity in Labour Legislation [Here is the full text of speech delivered by the Hon’ble Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, member for Labour, Government of India, at the Joint Labour Conference in New Delhi on friday, August 7, 1942.] “I have great pleasure in welcoming you to this tripartite Labour Conference. I can hardly convey to you adequately the sense of gratitude which I and the Government of India feel for the ready response which you have given to our invitation and the trouble that you have taken to be present here this morning. I hope and trust that this ready response on your part will be followed by an equally willing cooperation in making this conference a success and in carrying through its purposes to fruition. I do not wish to detain you long; these are days of grave emergency and I realise that everyone must return to his post as soon as he can. I will not, therefore, make any lengthy speech on this occasion but will contain myself with touching upon a few points with a view to bringing home to you the significance of the conference and to state its aims and objects. TWO SPECIAL FEATURES As you know there have been so far three Labour Conferences held in New Delhi under the auspices of the Labour Department of the Government of India. The first one was held on January 22 and 23, 1940, the second on January 27 and 28, 1941, and the third on January 30 and 31, 1942. The present conference is thus the fourth of this series. You will realise the significance of this conference better if I tell you in as few words as I can the special features which mark off this Conference from the previous ones. In the first place, although the * Indian Information, September 15, 1942.

12 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES previous Conferences met regularly at certain fixed periods, permanency was not a part of the plan of those conferences. There could have been a break in their regularity and the idea could have been abandoned without doing violence to any rule or convention or understanding. The present conference has permanancy as a part of its plan. The organisation that we want to set up will have the permanancy and regularity of a standing committee, ready to function when called upon to do so. More important than this feature of the conference is the second feature to which I want to draw your particular attention. It relates to the composition of the conference. The previous conferences were representative of Governments only—the representatives of the Central Government, Provincial Governments and some of the Indian States’ Governments— formed the only constituents of the conference. The most necessary and the most important elements, namely, the Employers and the Employees, were not represented at these conferences. Care was no doubt taken to establish contact and even to consult the organisations representing the Employers and the Employees. For instance, my distinguished colleague the Hon’ble Sir. A. Ramaswani Mudaliar, when he was the member in charge of Labour, did take occasion when he visited Calcutta to meet the representatives of Labour and of employers. Similarly, my distinguished colleague, the Hon’ble Sir Firoz Khan Noon, to whom we owe the project of the present conference, did in his tenure of office as Labour Member seek occasion to take counsel with the organisations of Employers and Employers. It is for the first time, however, in the history of these Labour conferences that the representatives of the Employers and the Employees have been brought face to face within the ambit of a joint Conference. To my mind this is a feature of the conference which should find a very ready welcome from all concerned and particularly from the representatives of the Employees. Ever since the Witley Commission, in its Report on Labour in India, put forth the proposal that there should be established in India as a permanent body an Industrial Council, the representatives of Labour have agitated for effect being given to that recommendation. For various reasons it did not until now become possible to realise the ideal of an Industrial Council. I do not claim that the proposal

13THE NEED FOR UNIFORMITY IN LABOUR LEGISLATION which this conference is called upon to give effect to amounts to a complete realisation of that cherished ideal. But there can be no doubt that this Conference seeks to pave the way towards the realisation of that ideal, and I am sure you will not deem it an exaggeration if I say that it marks a long stride on the road which leads to that goal. LABOUR LEGISLATION I will now say a word or two with regard to the aims and objects of this Conference. Some of you who arc familiar with the proceedings of the previous conferences will know that one of the primary objects which brought those conferences into being was the great desire to avoid the danger arising out of the diversity in Labour Legislation with which this country was threatened as a consequence of Provincial independence in Labour legislation. So long as the Government of India was a Unitary Government, uniformity in Labour legislation was not difficult to obtain. But the federal constitution created by the Government of India Act of 1935 by including Labour legislation in the Concurrent Legislative List had created a very serious situation. It was feared that if there was no central legislation each Province might make a particular law specially suited to itself, but different from that of its neighbour by allowing Provincial considerations to dominate over considerations of general and national importance. THREE MAIN OBJECTS The conferences were called to supply a most necessary corrective to this tendency and to foster among Provincial Governments a regard for the wholesome principle of uniformity in Labour legislation. In constituting this conference I do not propose to abandon this object of uniformity in Labour legislation with which the three previous Conferences were mainly concerned. It will remain one of the object which the Conference will pursue. But to this I would like to add two other objects, namely, the laying down of a procedure for the settlement of industrial disputes and the discussion of all matters of all-India importance as between Labour and Capital. Our Conference will have, therefore, three main aims and objects :— (i) the promotion of uniformity in Labour legislation;