Vol. 10 · pages 471–475

450 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES negotiations on the ground, first, that they have not been let down, as they feared, and secondly, that the negotiations cannot have failed to have opened the eyes of the British Government to the fact that it is Congress intransigence which is the real obstacle. Parsees, I am told, are generally relieved that, for a time at any rate, Congress will not regain power. The exception to which I have referred is Ambedkar. He came to see me to discuss the establishment of the National War Front, and although he has, with no enthusiasm, agreed to give it some support, he took the opportunity to let off to me some very bitter steam about the Draft Declaration. He said that he had been as good as told that Congress and the Muslim League were the only bodies which counted, and that if they agreed to the proposals, it would not matter what he or the Depressed Classes thought about them. He professed to be bitterly disillusioned and to feel humiliated. He declared that the proposals went back on the August Declaration, and that, with the example of the Irish Treaty before him, the suggestion that minorities could be safeguarded by means of a treaty was a very poor joke. How, he asked, could he and his friends be expected to continue their support of Government if they were to be let down in this way ? He had thought of resigning from the National Defence Council but had decided to carry on for the time being, but he could not be expected to show any enthusiasm in support of Government. I reasoned with him as best I could, but I fear made little impression upon him. This mood of disgruntlement has been noticeable in Ambedkar for a long time— certainly since he was not taken in to the expansion of your Executive Council, as he had hoped. He will, I expect, succeed in obtaining some support for his views amongst his followers in this Province, for he is the only individual amongst them who is capable of thinking for them. Nevertheless, I feel pretty sure that this disgruntlement is largely a personal matter. As you know, his own financial position has been worrying him for some time. I have reason to believe that he owes money to certain people who have helped him in the past, and that he is unable to pay any of it back, and is even rather rude if they mention the subject. As you know, too, he has been, for some time, anxious to obtain a position in the High Court or elsewhere, in which he could have a chance of providing for his own future. He has given

451 THE TRANSFER OF POWER me, for some time, the impression of a man who is no longer really interested in the work he is doing for his own followers, and is anxious to reach a different sphere. He is inclined, unfortunately, to attribute the difficulties of his own position to influences at work against him because he is a member of the Depressed Classes, and from that it is an easy step to the belief that we do not concern ourselves about him unduly because we do not think it worth-while to secure the support of the Depressed Classes. I would very much like to see something done for him, and I hope that, if a further expansion of your Council is now possible, he will be included,—not on personal grounds alone, but so that we may retain the interest of the Depressed Classes. He has been unhelpful about recruitment of Mahars, and does not put his weight behind it overmuch, in spite of the fact that he has long clamoured for Mahars being taken into combatant units. Nevertheless, the recruitment of Mahars continues, but not as well as it would do if he were really keen to help. Apart from the bitterness displayed by Ambedkar, I think that the failure of Cripps’ negotiations has left us in no worse position, and the nett result is probably some gain. zz

4 * Cripps Proposals Text of Constitutional Proposals MADE BY The Right Honourable Sir Stafford Cripps His Majesty’s Government, having considered the anxieties expressed in this country and India, as to the fulfilment of promises made in regard to the future of India, have decided to lay down in precise and clear terms the steps which there-upon shall be taken for earliest possible realisation of Self-Government in India. The object is the creation of a new Indian Union which shall constitute a Dominion associated with the United Kingdom and other Dominions by common allegiance to the Crown but equal to them in every respect, in no way subordinate in any aspect of its domestic and external affairs. His Majesty’s Government therefore make the following declaration:— (a) Immediately upon cessation of hostilities steps shall be taken to set up in India in the manner described hereafter an elected body charged with the task of framing new constitution for India. (b) Provision shall be made as set out below for participation of Indian States in the constitution making body. (c) His Majesty’s Government undertake to accept and implement forthwith the constitution so framed subject only to :— (1) Right of any province in British India that is not prepared to accept the new constitution to retain its present constitutional position, provision being made for its subsequent accession, if it so decides with such non-acceeding provinces. Should they so desire, His Majesty’s Government will be prepared to agree upon * Report of Depressed Class Conferences, Nagpur Session, held on July 18, 19 and 20, 1942, pp. 98-99.

453 THE TRANSFER OF POWER the new constitution giving them the same full status as Indian Union and arrived at by procedure analogous to that here laid down. (2) Signing of treaty which shall be negotiated between His Majesty’s Government and the constitutionmaking body. This treaty will cover all necessary matters arising out of complete transfer of responsibility from British to Indian hands; it will make provision in acordance with the undertakings given by His Majesty’s Government for protection of racial and religious minorities: But will not impose any restriction on power of Indian union to decide in future its relationship to other member states of British Comonwealth. Whether or not an Indian State elects to adhere to the constitution it will be necessary to negotiate revision of its treaty arrangements so far as they may be required in the new situation. (d) Constitution making body shall be composed as follows unless leaders of Indian opinion in principal communities agree upon some other form before the end of hostilities. Immediately upon the result being known of provincial elections which will be necessary at the end of the hostilities, entire membership of lower houses of provincial legislatures shall as single electoral college proceed to the election of constitution making body by system of proportional representation. This new body shall be in number about one-tenth of the number of electoral colleges. Indian States shall be invited to appoint representatives in the same proportion to their total population as in the case of representatives of British India as a whole and with same powers as the British Indian members. (e) During critical period which now faces India and until the new constitution can be framed, His Majesty’s Government must inevitably bear responsibility for and retain control and direction of Defence of India as part of their world war effort, but the task to organise the full military, moral and material resources of India must be the responsibility of the Government of India with co-operation of peoples of India. His Majesty’s Government desire

454 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES and invite immediate and effective participation of leaders of principal sections of Indian people in counsel of their country, of Commonwealth and of united nations. Thus they will be enabled to give their active and constructive help in discharge of the task which is vital and essential for the future freedom of India. zz