Vol. 10 · pages 561–565
As Member of the Governor-General's Executive Council, 1942–46
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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540 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
of India to any system of Government whose authority is directly
denied by large and powerful elements in India’s national life.
Nor could they be parties to the cocrsion of such elements into
submission to such a Government.”
— Extract from the Statement by Lord Linlithgow on
8th August 1940.
“ Congress leaders……have built up a remarkable
organization, the most efficient political machine in India…… if
only they had succeeded. If the Congress could in fact speak, as
it professes to speak, for all the main elements in India’s national
life, then however advanced their demands, our problem would
have been in many respect far easier than it is today. It is true
that they are numerically the largest single party in British
India, but their claim in virtue of that fact to speak for India
is utterly denied by very important elements in India’s complex
national life. These others assert their right to be regarded not
as mere numerical minorities but as separate constituent factors
in any future Indian policy. The foremost among these elements
stands the great Muslim community. They will have nothing to
do with a Constitution framed by a Constituent Assembly elected
by a majority vote in geographical constituencies. They claim
the right in any constitutional discussions to be regarded as an
entity against the operations of a mere numerical majority. The
same applies to the great body what are known as the Scheduled
Castes who feel, in spite of Mr. Gandhi’s earnest endeavours
on their behalf, that as a community, they stand outside the
main body of the Hindu community which is represented by
the Congress.”
—Extract from the speech by the Rt. Hon’ble
Mr. L. S. Amery, Secretary of State for India,
in the House of Commons on August 14, 1940.
(iv)
“ Without recapitulating all these reasons in detail, I should
remind you that His Majesty’s Government at that time made
it clear:—
(a) That their offer of unqualified freedom after
the hostilities was made conditional upon
the framing of a Constitution agreed by the
main elements of India’s national life and the
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THE CABINET MISSION AND THE UNTOUCHABLES
negotiation of the necessary treaty arrangements with
His Majesty’s Government;
(b) That it is impossible during the period of hostilities
to bring about any change in the Constitution by
which means alone a “National Government” such as
you suggest could be made responsible to the Central
Assembly.
The object of these conditions was to ensure the fulfilment of
their duty to safeguard the interest of the racial and religious
minorities, of the Depressed Classes and their treaty obligations
to the Indian States. ”
— Extract from the letter by Lord Wavell to Mr. Gandhi,
dated 15th August, 1944.
5. The Cabinet Mission’s proposal not to give separate
representation to the Untouchables is not the result of their
individual judgement arrived at on an honest examination of
the relevant facts. On the other hand, what the Mission has
done is to pamper to the prejudices of Mr. Gandhi. Mr. Gandhi
is vehemently opposed to the recognition of the Untouchables
as a separate clement in the national life of India. He opposed
their recognition at the Round Table Conference. When he
found that notwithstanding his opposition they were recognized
as a separate clement by the Communal Award of Mr. Ramsay
Macdonald he threatened to fast unto death if the separate
recognition of the Untouchables was not withdrawn. Again in 1945
at the First Simla Conference Mr. Gandhi raised his opposition
when he found that H.M.G. had given separate recognition of
the Untouchables. The Cabinet Mission were anxious to make
a success of their proposals. That was not possible unless they
could secure the consent of Mr. Gandhi. Mr. Gandhi demanded
his price and the Mission gave it. That price was the sacrifice
of the separate political existence of the Untouchables. Indeed
one can go further and say that the proposals of the Cabinet
Mission, so far as the minorities are concerned, are nothing but
the reproduction of Mr. Gandhi’s formula which he resounded at
the Second Round Table Conference. Mr. Gandhi said that he
would recognise only three communities for political purposes (1)
Hindus, (2) Muslims and (3) Sikhs. The Mission’s formula is a
mere copy of Mr. Gandhi’s formula. There is no other explanation.
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542 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
III
Grounds urged by the Cabinet Mission in Justification
of its decision.
6. For justifying their decision not to recognise the
Untouchables as a separate element the Cabinet Mission has
relied upon the results of the elections to the Provincial Legislative
Assemblies which took place in February 1948. In the course
of the debate in Parliament on the Cabinet Mission’s proposals
which took place on 18th July 1946, the members of the Mission
have tried to make out the following points :—
(i) That in the election, the Congress captured all scats
reserved for the Untouchables; that therefore the Congress
represented the Untouchables. That being the case there
was no justification for giving separate representation to
the Untouchables.
(ii) That the following of the All-India Scheduled Castes
Federation and my own was confined only to Bombay and
Central Provinces.
Futility of the grounds
7. These are monstrous propositions and will not stand close
and honest scrutiny. The Cabinet Mission, to start with committed
a great mistake in adopting the results of the election as a basis
for assessing the representative character of the Congress. In
doing so, the Mission failed to take into account the following
circumstances :—
(i) The Hindu electorate was throughout the war intensely
anti-British and although it did war work it did not do it
willingly. The Congress Party which was anti-British and
had non-cooperated with the war effort was a hot favourite
of the Hindu electorate. The other parties particularly the
Scheduled Castes suffered in the election because they
were pro-British and had cooperated in the war effort.
(ii) Just before the date fixed for election, the Viceroy and the
Commander-in-Chief staged the trial of the I.N.A. men.
The Congress at once took up the cause of the I.N.A. men
and made it an election issue. The trial was the principal
factor which enhanced the influence of the Congress which
was on the wane.
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THE CABINET MISSION AND THE UNTOUCHABLES
(iii) The issue over which the election was fought was
Independence and Quit India. The nature of the future
Constitution of India was never the issue. If it had been
the issue the Congress would never have got the majority
it did.
(iv) The Cabinet Mission did not take into account the
open hostility shown by the Returning Officers and the
Polling Officers—all of whom were Caste Hindus—against
the Scheduled Caste candidates who were opposing
the Congress. They went to the length of rejecting
their nomination papers and refusing to issue ballot
papers. The Cabinet Mission did not take into account
the degree of terrorism and intimidation to which the
Untouchable voters were subjected by the Caste Hindus
on the ground that they were not prepared to vote for
the Congress candidates. In the Agra City 40 houses of
the Untouchables were burnt down. In Bombay one man
from the Untouchable was murdered and in the moffusil
Untouchable voters in hundreds of villages were not
allowed to go to the Polling stations. In Nagpur a Police
Officer became so much of a partisan of the Congress that
he fired without the permission of the Magistrate on a
crowd of Untouchable voters just to frightern them away.
There were innumerable such cases all over India.
8. If the Cabinet Mission had taken into account these
circumstances they would have realized that the success of
the Congress at the elections was due to purely advantageous
circumstances. The results of the elections held under such
circumstances should not have been taken as a justification for
not giving separate representation to the Untouchables in the
Constituent Assembly.
How the Mission adopted a false criterion for its decision
9. The criterion adopted by the Mission to decide whether
the Congress did or did not represent the Untouchables was
how many seats reserved for Untouchables were won by the
Congress in the Final Election. This criterion was a false
criterion because the results of the final elections are beyond
the control of the Untouchables. Under the Poona Pact the final
elections are determined by the Hindu votes. The true criterion
which the Mission should have adopted was to find out how
the Untouchables voted, how many votes were cast in favour of
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544 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
the Congress and how many against the Congress. This can be
judged from the results of the Primary elections only and not from
the results of the final elections. For in the Primary election only
the Untouchables vote. If the results of the Primary elections are
taken as a basis, the decision of the Cabinet Mission, would be
found to be absurd and contrary to facts. For only 28 per cent of
the votes polled in the Primary elections were cast in favour of
the Congress and 72 per cent against it.
10. It is said if the Untouchables felt that they were not in the
Congress they should have had a Primary election for every one of
the 151 seats reserved for them. As a matter of fact, there were
Primary elections for 43 scats only all throughout India. Why did
the Untouchables not stage a Primary election for the rest of the
108 seats ?
The argument is absurd for the following reasons:—
(i) Primary election is not obligatory. It becomes obligatory only
when there arc more than four candidates contesting one
scat. It is not realized that anyone who stands for Primary
election must also face the necessity of having to stand for
final election. The inability of the Untouchables to bear the
expense of double election make it very difficult to induce
members of the Untouchable communities to stand for
Primary election. The fact that there have been Primary
elections only for 43 scats cannot be made the basis for the
inference that the Untouchables do not claim to be separate
from the Congress.
(ii) It is the Congress who must be asked as to why it did not
put up 4 candidates in every constituency in the Primary
elections. For if the Congress claims to represent the
Untouchables, it should have put up more than 4 candidates
on Congress ticket in every constituency and brought about
Primary elections in each of the 151 constituencies and ousted
every other party from coming into the final election. The
Congress did not do this. On the other hand, even in the 43
Primary elections, the Congress put up only one candidate in
each constituency on the off-chance of his coming within the
first 4 and then getting him returned in the Final Election
with the Hindu votes. This shows that the Congress knew
that the Untouchables had no confidence in the Congress.
(iii) It is only in 1937 that the Untouchables for the first time got
their right to vote. It is only after 1937 that the Untouchables