Vol. 13 · pages 1051–1055
The Principal Architect of the Constitution of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 1051 (printed page 1018)
1018 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
his defence by a legal practitioner. In other words, a distinction is
made between the right to consult and the right to be defended.
Personally I thought that the words “to consult” included also the
right to be defended because consultation would be utterly purposeless
if it was not for the purpose of defence. However, in order to remove
any ambiguity or any argument that may be raised that consultation
is used in a limited sense, I am prepared to add after the words
“to consult” the words “and be defended by a legal practitioner”,
so that there would be both the right to consult and also the right
to be defended. A question has been raised by the last speaker as
to the meaning of the words “legal practitioner of his choice”. No
doubt the words “of his choice” are important and they have been
deliberately used, because we do not want the Government of the
day to foist upon an accused person a counsel whom the Government
may think fit to appear in his case because the accused person may
not have confidence in him. Therefore we have used the words “of
his choice”. But the words “of his choice” are qualified by the words
“legal practitioner”. By the phrase “legal practitioner” is meant what
we usually understand, namely, a practitioner who by the rules of
the High Court or of the Court concerned, is entitled to practise.
Now, Sir, I come to clause (2). The principal point is that raised
by my Friend Mr. Pataskar. So far as I was able to understand, he
wanted to replace the word “Magistrate” by the words “First class
Magistrate”. Well, I find some difficulty in accepting the words
suggested by him for two reasons. We have in clause (2) used very
important words, namely, “the nearest Magistrate” and I thought that
was very necessary because otherwise it would enable a police officer
to keep a man in custody for a longer period on the ground that a
particular Magistrate to whome he wanted to take the accused, or
the Magistrate who would be ultimately entitled to try the accused,
was living at a distance far away and therefore he had a justifiable
ground for detaining him for the longer period. In order to take away
any such argument, we had used the words “the nearest Magistrate”.
Now supposing, we were to add the words “the nearest First Class
Magistrate” : the position would be very difficult. There may be “the
nearest Magistrate” who should be approached by the police in the
interests of the accused himself in order that his case may be judicially
considered. But he may not be a First Class Magistrate. Therefore,
we have really to take a choice; whether we shall give the accused
the earliest opportunity to have his matter decided and looked into
by the Magistrate near-about, or whether we should go in search of
PDF page 1052 (printed page 1019)
1019DRAFT CONSTITUTION
a First Class Magistrate. I think “the nearest Magistrate” is the best
provision in the interests of the liberty of the accused. I might also
point out to my Friend, Mr. Pataskar, that even if I were to accept
his amendment—“the nearest First Class Magistrate”—it would be
perfectly possible for the Government of the day to amend the Criminal
Procedure Code to confer the powers of a First Class Magistrate on any
Magistrate whom they want and thereby cheat the accused. I do not
think therefore that his amendment is either desirable or necessary
and I cannot accept it.
Now, those are the general provisions as contained in article 15 (a),
and I am sure...*
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava : Kindly consider...
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Now, my Friend, Pandit
Thakur Das Bhargava has raised the question of the right of crossexamination.
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava : And for reasons recorded.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Well, that I think is a
salutary provision, because I think that the provision which occurs in
several provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code making it obligatory
upon the Magistrate to record his reasons in writing enables the High
Court to consider whether the discretion left in the Magistrate has been
judicially exercised. I quite agree that that is a very salutary provision,
but I really want my friend to consider whether in a matter of this kind,
where what is involved is remand to custody for a further period, the
Magistrate will not have the authority to consider whether the charge
framed against the accused by the police is prima facie borne out.
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava : At present also under section 167(3)
these words are there. It is today incumbent upon every Magistrate to
whom a person is taken to record the reasons if he allows the detention
to continue.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : That is quite true. They
are there. But are they very necessary ?
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava : Absolutely necessary!
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Personally, I do not think
they are necessary. Let us take the worst case. A Magistrate, in order
to please the police, so to say, got into the habit of granting constant
remands, one after the other, thereby enabling the police to keep the
accused in custody. Is it the case that there is no remedy open to the
*Dots indicate interruption as shown in original.
PDF page 1053 (printed page 1020)
1020 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
accused ? I think the accused has the remedy to go to High Court
for revision and say that the procedure of the Court is being abused.
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava : How can a poor person go to
the High Court ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I do not want to close my
mind on it. If there is the necessity I think the Drafting Committee
may be left to consider this matter at a later stage, whether the
introduction of these words are necessary. As at present advised, we
think those words are not necessary.
Now I come to the second part of article 15 (3) dealing with
preventive detention. My Friend, Mr. Tyagi, has been quite enraged
against this part of the article. Well, I think I can forgive my Friend,
Mr. Tyagi, on that ground because after all, he is not a lawyer and
he does not really know what is happening. He suddenly wakes up,
when something which is intelligible to a common mind, crops up
without realizing that what crops up and what makes him awake is
really merely consequential. But I cannot forgive the layer members
of the House for the attitude that they have taken.
What is it that we are doing ? Let me explain to the House what
we are doing now. We had before us the three Lists contained in the
Seventh Schedule. In the three Lists there were included two entries
dealing with preventive detention, one in List I and another in List
III. Supposing now, this part of the article dealing with preventive
detention was dropped. What would be the effect of it ? The effect of
it would be that the Provincial Legislatures as well as the Central
Legislature would be at complete liberty to make any kind of law
with preventive detention, because if this Constitution does not by a
specific article put a limitation upon the exercise of making any law
which we have now given both to the Centre and to the Provinces,
there would be no liberty left, and Parliament and the Legislatures
of the States would be at complete liberty to make any kind of law
dealing with preventive detention. Do the lawyer Members of the
House want that sort of liberty to be given to the Legislatures of
the States and Parliament ? My submission is that if their attitude
was as expressed today, that we ought to have no such provision,
then what they ought to have done was to have objected to those
entries in List I and List III. We are trying to rescue the thing. We
have given power to the Legislatures of the State and Parliament to
make laws regarding preventive detention. What I am trying to do
is to curtail that power and put a limitation upon it. I am not doing
worse. You have done worse.
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1021DRAFT CONSTITUTION
Coming to the specific provision contained in the second part, I will
first...*
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava : Who made those Lists ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I made them : you passed
them !
I had these limitations in mind. Now I come to the proviso to clause
3(b).
Shri Mahavir Tyagi : Will you help laymen to understand as to why
you have not provided for the revision by the Advisory Board of the cases
under clause (4) ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I cannot explain to him the
legal points in this House. This House is not a law class and I cannot
indulge in that kind of explanation now. The honourable Member is my
friend; if he does not understand he can come and ask me afterwards.
Now I will deal with the proviso which is subject to two sorts of
criticisms. One criticism is this : that in the case of persons who are being
arrested and detained under the ordinary law as distinct from the law
dealing with preventive detention, we have made provision in clause (1)
of article 15A that the accused person shall be informed of the grounds
of his arrest. I said we do not make any such provision in the case of
a person who is detained under preventive detention. I think that is a
legitimate criticism. I am prepared to redress the position, because I
find that, even under the existing laws made by the various provincial
governments relating to preventive detention, they have made provision
for the information of the accused regarding the grounds on which he has
been detained. I personally do not see any reason why when provinces
who are anxious to have preventive detention laws have this provision, the
Constitution should not embody it. Therefore I am prepared to incorporate
the following clause after clause (3) in article 15A :
“(3a) Where an order is made in respect of any person under sub-clause (b)
of clause (3) of this article, the authority making an order shall....”
Babu Ramnarayan Singh : Sir, Dr. Ambedkar says that provinces
want the inclusion of this clause...
Mr. President : He has not said anything of that sort. What he has
said is that several of the Acts which have been passed by the provinces
for preventive detention contain certain provisions. He wants to incorporate
a similar provision in this article.
Babu Ramnarayan Singh : I wanted to know whether we are passing
legislation at the dictates of the provinces.
Mr. President : Nothing of the sort.
*Dots indicate interruption.
PDF page 1055 (printed page 1022)
1022 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I find that Mr. Ramnarayan
Singh is somewhat disaffected with the provincial government to which he
belongs.
As I was saying, I think this provision ought to do :
After clause (3) of article 15A, the following clause be inserted :
“(3a) Where an order is made in respect of any person under sub-clause (b) of
clause (3) of this article the authority making an order shall as soon as may be
communicate to him the grounds on which the order has been passed and afford
him the earliest opportunity of making a representation against the order.
(b) Nothing in clause (3a) of this article, shall require the authority making any
order under sub-clause (b) of clause (3) of this article to disclose the facts which
that authority considers to be against the public interest to disclose.”
These are the exact words in some of the Acts of the provinces and I do not
see any reason why they should not be introduced here, so that this ground of
criticism that we arc detaining a person merely because his case comes under
preventive detention, without even informing him of the grounds on which
we detain him. Now that is met by the amendment which I have proposed.
The other question is...*
The Honourable Shri K. Santhanam (Madras : General) : Is it in
addition to the provision in clause (1) ? There is already a provision that no
person shall be detained in custody without being informed.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : It does not deal with persons
arrested for preventive detention.
The Honourable Shri K. Santhanam : Does it not include a person
who is arrested for preventive purposes ? I thought clause (1) includes every
kind of detention.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : No. That is not our understanding
anyhow. The cases are divided into two categories.
Shri Mahavir Tyagi : He is a lawyer.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : That is in a court of law, not here.
Mr. President : He is not a lawyer.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I think it would be much better
to say : Nothing in clauses (1) and (2) shall apply to clause (3). That is the
intention. So I have met that part of their criticism.
Now I come to the question of three months’ detention without enquiry
or trial. Some Members have said that it should not be more than 15 days
and others have suggested some other period and so on. I would like to
tell the House why exactly we thought that three months was a tolerable
*Dots indicate interruption.