Vol. 13 · pages 526–530
The Principal Architect of the Constitution of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 526
*Mr. Vice-President : The next two amendments Nos. 1232 and 1233
are disallowed as being verbal.
Amendments Nos. 1234 standing in the name of Dr. Ambedkar, 1235
and 1239 standing in the name of Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad are of similar
import and I am, therefore asking Dr. Ambedkar to move his amendment,
which seems to me the most comprehensive one.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Sir, I move :
“That in clause (4) of article 55, for the words ‘or position of emolument’
wherever they occur the words ‘of profit’ be substituted.”
Mr. Vice-President : Amendment No. 1235 stands in the name of Mr.
Naziruddin Ahmad. Does he want me to put this to the vote ?
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : No, Sir, the previous amendment will cover it.
Mr. Vice-President : What about amendment No. 1239 ?
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : The same consideration would apply.
(Amendment No. 1236 was not moved.)
Mr. Vice-President : Amendments Nos. 1237 and 1238 are verbal
and are, therefore, disallowed.
Amendment No. 1240 stands in the name of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.
He may move it.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Sir, I move :
“That for sub-clause (a) of the Explanation to clause (4) of article 55, the
following be substituted :—
‘(a) he is the Governor of any State for the time being specified in Part I of
the First Schedule or is a minister either for India or for any such State, of’.”
This matter has already been debated last time.
*****
†Mr. Vice-President : Dr. Ambedkar.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (Bombay : General) : Mr.
Vice-President, Sir, I regret that I cannot accept any of the amendments
which have been moved, to this article. So far as the general debate
is concerned, I think there are only two amendments which call for
any reply. The first is the amendment moved by Mr. Tahir, No. 1215.
Mr. Tahir’s amendment proposes that the same system of election which
has been prescribed for the President should be made applicable to
the election of the Vice-President. Now, Sir, the difference which has
CAD, Vol. VII, 28th December 1948, p. 1096.
†Ibid., 29th December 1948, pp. 1100-02.
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been made in the Draft Constitution between the system of
election to the Presidentship and the system of election for the
Vice-Presidentship is based upon the functions which the two
dignitaries are supposed lo discharge. The President is the Head
of the State and his powers extend both to the administration by
the Centre as well as of the Slates. Consequently, it is necessary
that in his election, not only Members of Parliament should play
their part, but the Members of the State Legislatures should also
have a voice. But when we come to the vice-President, his normal
functions are merely to preside over the Council of States. It is
only on a rare occasion, and that too for a temporary period,
that he may be called upon to assume the duties of a President.
That being so, it does not seem necessary that the Members of
the State Legislatures should also be invited to take part in the
election of the Vice-President. That is the justification why the
Draft Constitution has made a distinction in the modes of election
of these two dignitaries.
The second amendment which calls for a reply is the amendment
moved by Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad. No. 1219. He has suggested
that the word “assembled” should be dropped. Now, the reason
why the word “assembled” has been introduced in this article is
to avoid election being conducted by posting of ballot papers. We
all know that the postal system, when used for the purpose of
electioneering is liable to result in failure. Either the ballot papers
posted may not reach the destination and may be lost in transit ; or
it is perfectly possible for a candidate to send round his agents in
order to collect the ballot papers so that he may obtain possession
of them, sign them himself and send them on without giving any
opportunity to the elector himself to exercise his freedom in the
matter of election. It is for this reason that it was decided that
the election should take place when the two Houses assemble, so
as to prevent the misuse of posting. Now, I do not think that the
calling together of a meeting of the Members of Parliament for this
purpose is going to introduce in practice a difficulty, or is going
to introduce any inconvenience. Alter all. Members of Parliament
would be meeting together for the purposes of legislation, and it
would be perfectly possible to have the election during one of those
sessions. I, therefore, submit that the original language is the more
justifiable one, in view of the circumstances I have mentioned.
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Now, Sir, with regard to Prof. K. T. Shah’s amendment that
the disqualifications, with regard to the Vice-President should
be specified in the Constitution itself, that is a matter which I
have already dealt with when replying to a similar amendment
moved by him with regard to the President, and I said that
this is a matter which could be provided for by law made by
Parliament.
With regard to the suggestion which has been made both by
Mr. Bhurathi and Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad about the use of the
words “alternative vote”, all I can say is this. If it is merely a
matter of change of language, it might be possible for the Drafting
Committee at a later stage, to consider this matter. But if—and
I am not prepared to commit myself one way or the other—the
alternative vote does involve some change of substance, then I
am afraid it will not be possible for us to consider this matter
at any stage at all.
Mr. Vice-President : I am now going to put the different
amendments to vote, one by one.
[All the amendments except those moved by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar were
negatived. Or. Ambedkar’s amendments are mentioned earlier.]
Article 55, as amended, was adopted and added to the
Constitution.
*****
ARTICLE 56
*****
*The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Mr. Vice-President,
Sir, I regret my inability to accept any of the amendments
that have been moved to article 50. I should, however, like to
meet some of the points that have been made by those who
have moved the amendments. Sir, the first amendment was by
Prof. Shah which laid down that provision should be made for
pay and pension for the Vice-President. This is a matter which
Prof. Shah has also raised in connection with the office of the
President and I had stated my objection to making any such
provision in the Constitution itself.
The Honourable Shri K. Santhanam (Madras : General) :
May I point out that in Second Schedule express provision has
been made ?
*CAD, Vol. VII, 29th December 1948, pp. 1113-15.
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The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Having explained my
position with regard to that point, I shall not repeat what I have
said then. Coming to sub-clause (b) of article 56, various points
have been raised. First of all a point has been raised that the words
‘bribery, corruption etc.’ should be added. Personally I do not think
that any such particular phrase is necessary. Want of confidence
is a very large phrase and is big enough to include any ground
such as corruption, bribery etc. Therefore that amendment, in my
judgment, is not necessary. The second point that has been made
is that the removal of the Vice-President should be governed by the
same rules as the removal of the President viz., that there should
be a majority of two-thirds. Now, Sir, with regard to that point. I
would like to draw the attention of the House that although the
Constitution speaks of Vice-President, he really is a Chairman of
the Council of States. In other words, so far as his functions are
concerned, he is merely an opposite number of the Speaker of the
House of People. Consequently in making a comparison or comment
upon the provisions contained in sub-clause (b) of article 56 those
provisions should be compared with the articles dealing with the
removal of the Speaker and they are contained in article 77(c). If
this article 56(b) is compared with the article 77(c), members will
find that the position is exactly identical. The same rules which
are made applicable to the removal of the Speaker are also made
applicable to the removal of the Vice-President who, as I have stated,
is really another name for the Chairman of the Council of States.
Consequently, the requirement of two-thirds majority is unnecessary.
And then my friend Mr. Kamath has raised what I might call
a somewhat ticklish question. He said that sub-clause (b) of this
article speaks of a majority, while when the reference is made to
the House of the People, no such phraseology is used. Now, the
matter is quite simple. Whenever we have said that a certain
resolution has to be passed, it is understood that it has to be passed
by a majority of the House. It is only when a special majority
is mentioned that a reference is made to a majority and not
otherwise. Now, I quite agree that his argument is that although
we do not mention or specify any particular majority with respect
to the Council of States, we have still used the phraseology—
passed by a majority. Why is this distinction made ? Why is this
distinction between the phraseology used in regard to the Council
496 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
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of States and in regard to the House of the People ? Now, the
difference has been made because of the word “then” occurring there.
That word “then” is important. The word “then” means all members
whose seats are not vacant. It does not mean members sitting or
present and voting. It is because of this provision, that all members
who are members of Parliament and whose seats are not vacant,
that their votes also have to be counted, that we have said—passed
by a majority of the then members.
Shri H. V. Kamath : Does it mean the total number of members
of the Council of States ?
The Honourable Dr. B, R. Ambedkar : Yes, The word ‘then’ is
necessary.
Shri H. V. Kamath : On a point of clarification, Sir. Yesterday in
article 50, we used the phraseology ‘passed by a majority ‘in place
of the two-thirds majority. Should we not do the same thing here to
make the meaning clearer ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I shall explain it presently.
The reason is due to the fact that we have to use the word ‘then’
which is intended to distinguish the case of members present and
voting, and members who are members of the House whose seats
are not vacant, and voting.
Shri H. V. Kamath : Am I to understand that unless otherwise
specified, when you say a resolution is passed or adopted, it means
that it is by a simple majority ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Yes.
Now, coming to the point raised by my friend Mr. Tahir, amendment
No. 1266. If I understood him correctly, what he says is that the
resolution of no confidence should require to be passed by two-thirds.
This may be good or it may be bad. I cannot say. All I can say is
that this provision is also on a par with the provision regarding the
want of confidence in the Speaker. There also we do not require
that it should be passed by two-thirds majority or two-thirds of the
members of the House.
Then, coming to the amendment of my friend Mr. Naziruddin
Ahmad, who wants that in clause (c) after the word “term” words
such as resignation etc. should be inserted. This amendment is
absolutely unnecessary, because this article does not make any
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