Vol. 13 · pages 631–635
The Principal Architect of the Constitution of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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Mr. President : There is an amendment of Mr. Kapoor to this
amendment.
Shri Jaspat Roy Kapoor : It is now covered by the new amendment
moved by Dr. Ambedkar. So I consider it unnecessary to move it.
(Amendment Nos. 1968 and 1969 were not moved.)
Mr. President: So there is only the amendment of Dr. Ambedkar.
I shall first take the amendment he has moved to his own amendment.
*****
*The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Mr. President, Sir,
I would just like to make a few observations in order to clear the
position. Sir, there is no doubt that the House in general, has agreed
that the independence of the Judiciary from the Executive should
be made as clear and definite as we could make it by law. At the
same time, there is the fear that in the name of the independence
of the Judiciary, we might be creating, what my Friend Mr. T.T.
Krishnamachari very aptly called an “ Imperium in Imperio ”. We
do not want to create an Imperium in Imperio and at the same
time we want to give the Judiciary ample independence so that
it can act without fear or favour of the Executive. My friends, it
they will carefully examine the provisions of the new amendment
which I have proposed in place of the original article 122, will find
that the new article proposes to steer a middle course. It refuses to
create an Imperium in Imperio, and I think it gives the Judiciary as
much independence as is necessary for the purpose of administering
justice without fear or favour. I need not therefore, dilate on all the
provisions contained in this new article 122, because I find that
even among the speakers who have taken part in the debate on this
article, there is general agreement that certain clauses of the new
article 122 are unexceptionable, that is to say, clause (1), clause
(3) and even clause (2). The only point of difference seems to be on
proviso to clause (2). In the original proviso, the provision was that
with regard to salaries, allowances and so on and so on, the Chief
Justice shall fix the same, in consultation with the President. The
amended proviso provides that the Chief Justice shall do it with
the approval of the President, and the question really is whether
the original provision that this should be done in consultation with
the President or whether it might be done with the approval of
the President, which of these two alternatives we have to choose.
No doubt, the original draft, “Consultation with the President,”
* CAD, Vol. VIII. 27th May 1949, pp.397-99
598 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
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left or appeared to leave the final decision in the hands of the
Chief Justice, while the new proviso with the words “approval of
the President” seemed to leave, and in fact does, and is intended
to leave the final decision in the hands of the President. Now
Sir, in deciding this matter, two considerations may be taken
into account. One is, what is the present provision regarding
the Federal Court ? If honourable Members will refer to Section
216, sub-clause (2) of the unadapted Government of India Act,
1935, they will find that the provisions contained therein leave
the matter to the approval—I am sorry it is section 242 subclause (4)—leaves the matter to the approval of the GovernorGeneral. From that point of view, we are really continuing
the position as it exists now. But it seems to me that there is
another consideration which goes to support the proposition that
we should retain the phrase “with the approval of the President”
and it is this. It is undoubtedly a desirable thing that salaries,
allowances and pensions payable to servants of the State should
be uniform, and there ought not to be material variations in
these matters with regard to the civil service. It is likely to
create a great deal of heart-burning and might impose upon the
treasury an unnecessary burden. Now, if you leave the matter
to the Chief Justice to decide, it is quite conceivable—I do not
say that it will happen—but it is quite conceivable that the chief
Justice might fix scales of allowances, pensions and salaries very
different from those fixed for civil servants who are working in
other departments, besides the Judiciary, and I do not think that
such a state of things is a desirable thing, and consequently in
my judgment, the new draft, the new amendment which I have
tabled contains the proper solution of this matter, and I hope the
House will be able to accept that in place of the original proviso.
There is one other matter which I might mention, although
it has not been provided for in my amendment, nor has it been
referred to by Members who have taken part in this debate.
No doubt, by clause (3) of my new article 122 we have made
provision that the administration charges of the Supreme Court
shall be a charge on the revenues of India, but the question
is whether this provision contained in clause (3) is enough for
the purpose of securing the independence of the judiciary. Now,
speaking for myself, I do not think that this clause by itself would
599DRAFT CONSTITUTION
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be sufficient to secure the independence of the Judiciary. After
all, what does it mean when we say that a particular charge
shall be a charge on the consolidated funds of the State ? All
that it means is this, that it need not be put to the vote of
the House. Beyond that it has no meaning. We have ourselves
said that when any particular charge is declared to be a charge
on the revenues of India, all that will happen is that it will
become a sort of non-votable thing although it will be open to
discussion by the Legislature. Therefore, reading clause (3) of
article 122, in the light of the provisions that we have made,
all that it means is this, that part of the budget relating to the
Judiciary will not be required to be voted by the Legislature
annually. But I think there is a question which goes to the
root of the matter and must take precedence and that is who
is to determine what are the requirements of the Supreme
Court. We have made no such provision at all. We have left it
to the executive to determine how much money may be allotted
year after year to the judiciary. It seems to me that that is a
very vulnerable position and requires to be rectified. At this
stage I only wish to draw the attention of the House to the
provisions contained in section 216 of the Government of India
Act, 1935, which says that the Governor-General shall exercise
his individual judgment as to the amount to be included in
respect of the administrative expenses of the Federal Court in
any estimates of expenditure laid by him before the Chambers
of the Federal legislature. So that if the executive differed from
the chief Justice as to the amount of money that was necessary
for running properly the Federal Court, the Governor-General
may intervene and decide how much money should be allotted.
That provision now of course is incompatible with the pattern
of the Constitution we are adopting and we must therefore, in
my judgment, find some other method of securing for the chief
Justice and adequacy of funds to carry on his administration. I
do not wish for the moment to delay the article on that account.
I only mention it to the House, so that if it considers desirable
some suitable amendment may be brought in at a later stage
to cover the point.
[Dr. Amhedkar’s both the amendments were accepted Article.
122, as amended, was added to the Constitution.]
600 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
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601DRAFT CONSTITUTION
ARTICLE 124
*The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (Bombay : General) :
Mr. President, I cannot say that I am very happy about the position
which the Draft Constitution, including the amendments which have
been moved to the articles. Speaking for myself, I am of opinion
that this dignitary or officer is probably the most important officer
in the Constitution of India. He is the one man who is going to see
that the expenses voted by Parliament are not exceeded or varied
from what has been laid down by Parliament in what is called the
Appropriation Act. If this functionary is to carry out the duties—and
his duties, I submit, are far more important than the duties even
of the Judiciary—he should have been certainly as independent as
the Judiciary. But, comparing the articles about the Supreme Court
and the articles relating to the Auditor-General, I cannot help saying
that we have not given him the same independence which we have
given to the Judiciary, although I personally feel that he ought to
have far greater independence than the Judiciary itself.
One difference, if I may point out, between the position which we
have assigned to the Judiciary and which we propose to assign to the
Auditor-General is this. It is only during the course of the last week
that I moved an amendment to the original article 122 vesting in the
Supreme Court the power of appointment of officers and servants of
the Supreme court. I see both from the original draft as well as from
the amendments that are moved that the Auditor-General is not to
have any such power. The absence of such a power means that the
staff of the Auditor-General shall be appointed by the Executive.
Being appointed by the Executive, the Staff shall be subject to the
Executive for disciplinary action. I have not the slightest doubt in
my mind that if an officer does not posses the power of disciplinary
control over his immediate subordinates, his administration is going
to be thoroughly demoralised. From that point of view, I should have
thought that it would have been proper in the interests of the people
that such a power should have been given to the Auditor-General,
But, sentiment seems to be opposed to investing the Auditor-General
with such a power. For the moment, I feel that nothing more can be
done than to remain content with the sentiment such as it is today.
This is my general view.
*CAD, Vol. VIII, 30th May 1949, pp. 407-08.
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602 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Coming to the amendments, I accept the amendments moved
by Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari and one amendment moved by
Mr. B. Das, No. 1975. These amendments, certainly to a large
extent, improve the position of the Auditor-General which has
been assigned to him in the draft Constitution or in the various
amendments. But, I find that even with the article as amended
by these amendments, Mr. Sidhva seems to have a complaint. If
I understand him properly, his complaint was that the expenses
of the Auditor-General should not be made a charge on the
Consolidated Fund, but that they should be treated as ordinary
supplies and services which should be voted upon by Parliament.
His position was that there is no good reason why Parliament
should be deprived of its right to discuss the charges and the
administrative expenses of the Auditor-General. I think my
honourable Friend Mr. Sidhva has completely misunderstood
what is meant by charging certain expenses on the revenues of
India. If my honourable friend Mr. Sidhva will turn to article 93,
which deals with this matter, he will find that although certain
expenses may be charged upon the revenues of India, the mere
fact that that has been done, does not deprive Parliament of the
right to discuss those charges. The right to discuss is there. The
only thing is that the right to vote is not given. It is a non-votable
item. The reason why it is made non-votable is a very good reason
because just as we do not want the Executive to interfere too
much in the necessities as determined by the Auditor-General
with regard to his own requirements, we do not want a lot of
legislators who might have been discontended for some reason or
other or because they may have some kind of a fad for economy,
to interfere with the good and efficient administration of the
Auditor-General. That is why this provision has been made. My
Friend Mr. Sidhva will also realise that this provision is not in
any way extraordinary. It is really on a par with the provision we
have made with regard to the Supreme Court. I therefore think
that there is no good ground for accepting the criticism that has
been made by Mr. Sidhva on this point.
Sir, I move that the article as amended be adopted. I accept
the amendments Nos. 25 in List I, 1975 of Mr. B. Das, 130 of
Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari, 131 of Mr; T. T. Krishnamachari and
25-C of List I also by Mr. Krishnamachari.