Vol. 13 · pages 941–945
The Principal Architect of the Constitution of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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908 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
to speak or publish, without responsibility whatever one may choose,
or an unrestricted and unbridled licence that gives immunity for every
possible use of language and prevents the punishment of those who
abuse this freedom’.”
And I quoted many other cases. My whole point is this: that even
in the United States itself, it is an acknowledged proposition that
there must be some limitations upon the fundamental rights. On
that there can be no question at all, in my judgement. Therefore,
in so far as our entry—I am not going into the amendments for the
moment— deals with tax on advertisements, my submission is that
that entry could not be questioned as an entry which is ultra vires
of this House, because it is going to put some kind of limitation
upon the freedom of the press if it is acted upon by the provincial
Governments. I entirely refuse to accept that interpretation that
any tax levied under the head ‘Advertisements’ would be ultra vires
because it would infringe article 13.
The proposition which I submit could be enunciated and which
is plausible and which may be accepted is this: that any imposition
upon a newspaper of a tax of a severe nature which will result in
wiping it out altogether, such an exercise of the taxation power,
would be ultra vires, because if would completely wipe out the
freedom of speech which has been guaranteed by article 13. In so far
as the taxation imposed upon advertisements is not of a reasonable
nature and is discriminatory, that is to say, it is merely confined to
newspapers and all other forms of advertisements are exempted, then
I can understand that that would violate article 15 under which we
propose to give equal protection to all. Therefore my submission is
that any argument which goes to the length of saying that anything
which affects newspapers and the freedom of speech or writing in
a newspaper would be ultra vires, I take the liberty to say, is not
an argument which I am prepared to accept and which. I hope, this
House will not accept.
Now I come to the other question. It is quite true that, in view
of certain circumstances which have come to the surface in certain
provinces, it may be necessary to transfer this particular entry
regarding newspapers from List I to List II or place it in List III. That
is a matter not of constitutional law. That is a matter of policy and a
matter of confidence; whether you are prepared to put more confidence
in the Centre or whether you are prepared to put more confidence
in the provinces or whether you are prepared to put confidence in
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909DRAFT CONSTITUTION
the provinces but would like to reserve to the Centre a certain
amount of liberty and power to correct any wrong that a province
might do is a matter which of course is open for discussion. That is
what we have been discussing; whether any particular entry should
remain in List I or part in List I and part in List II or in List III.
On that the House has got perfect liberty to decide, because it
is a matter on which the House has got complete freedom, and
nobody is going to suggest that the House has its hands tied down
by reason of article 13 and that it cannot do anything to impose any
kind of limitation upon the newspapers. I repudiate that argument
absolutely.
Now, Sir, I should like to deal with the various amendments. If
you will permit me, I would like to deal with them because those
who may follow me may criticise what I am saying. It seems to me
that the friends who are interested in newspapers are really trying
to get complete immunity, so to say, from any kind of taxation that
may be levied by the provinces. The first amendment moved by
my Friend, Mr. Goenka, and several others—there are some fifty
or sixty names—is that it should be transferred to the Union List,
List I. In doing that, they have done something which we ourselves
had not done. Our newspaper entry is not connected with taxation.
Those members who have closely watched the arrangement in List I
and List II will realise that we have separated the entries in to
two parts, entries which are purely legislative and entries which
are taxational. You will remember that newspapers, although
they are mentioned in List III, they are mentioned only among
the legislative entries. Now, the amendment moved by my Friend
Mr. Goenka, has done the worst from his point of view, viz., he has
put the newspapers in that part of List I which deals with taxation.
It means that it would be open now for the Centre to levy a tax
on newspapers. ( Hear, hear. ) I do not like newspapers and I am
not interested in either injuring them or in protecting them. I am
prepared to place the whole matter in the hands of the House to
do what it likes.
The second amendment moved by my friend, Mr. Jhunjhunwala,
does what? He thinks that, although newspapers may be transferred
to List I, newspapers as goods open to sale, will still remain in List II
because the entry in that list is a very broad entry and would
cover newspapers as goods and therefore he feels that there is no
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910 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
purpose served by merely accepting the amendment of Mr. Goenka
because they would be liable to be taxed by the provinces under the
entry relating to taxes on sale of goods. Therefore he has moved
his amendment to get the newspapers out of the Sales Tax Act.
Now, the question to be considered is whether the provinces
would agree that so important a part of what I may call the
base of their taxation as constituted by the newspapers should be
altogether eliminated from the field of provincial taxation. It is a
matter which has to be considered. Sir, being a financial matter,
I do not think that the Drafting Committee would be prepared to
take the responsibility on its own shoulders without consultation
either with the Finance Ministry or with the Finance Ministers of
the Provinces. We have been taking a great deal of responsibility so
far as purely legislative entries are concerned. When the question
of finance is concerned, we have a sort of standing convention that
we should always consult the Central Finance Ministry as well as
the Finance Ministers of the various provinces.
Therefore these are the difficulties that are involved in these
amendments. Now I do not know if you transfer the entry on
newspapers to the Union List, the Centre may levy a tax on
newspapers as manufacturers, because the Centre is entitled to
put an excise duty on any goods manufactured in any part of
India. It seems to me therefore that it would be difficult for the
newspapers to escape taxation. All these things have to be taken
into consideration. That is to say, these are extraneous matters to
which I have given expression at this stage because I think that
every Member who wants to take part in the debate, ought to know
what the difficulties are. All that I am interested in at the moment
is this that there is no bar to the House considering any kind of
limitation, notwithstanding that we have passed article 13. The
proposition which is being sought to be placed before the House for
its acceptance is in my judgement a very dangerous proposition.
It would eliminate even taxation absolutely. Even article 24 could
not be there. Many other complications would arise. If you say that
because fundamental rights are guaranteed therefore the taxation
power should also not be exercised because that would result in
the limitation or the destruction of the fundamental rights, it is
too large a proposition and I do not think that anybody will ever
accept this.
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911DRAFT CONSTITUTION
*****
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava : Supposing there is not complete
destruction of this right, but there is material curtailment or abridgement,
will it not be covered by this?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : What is reasonable the
Court will decide.
Shri Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar : I have nothing to add to my
speech.
(At this stage Shri Deshbandhu Gupta rose to speak.)
Mr. President : I do not think there is any right of reply in a matter
like this.
Shri Deshbandhu Gupta : On a point of order, I want to clear one
or two points which seems to have created confusion.
Mr. President : No. It is a question whether you have the right to
reply or not.
An honourable Member : The President has already said that the
honourable Member has no right of reply.
Shri Deshbandhu Gupta : Sir, as some points have been raised and
I would request you to explain these points particularly as no speaker
from this side has spoken after Shri Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar raised
the points.
Mr. President : I think a larger number of people spoke from your
side and from your point of view.
I have understood the point of order that has been raised. I shall
have to consider it and I will give my ruling later, but in the meantime
I would ask Dr. Ambedkar to consider the other point which he himself
has raised, supposing I rule that it is in order, then in that case I
would expect him to be ready with the answer on the merits also as to
whether you will have it in the form in which it is sought to be moved by
Mr. Goenka or sought to be amended by Mr. Jhunjhunwala.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : In that case, they should
withdraw the amendment.
Shri Deshbandhu Gupta : The amendment has not been moved. I
took exception to the moving of the amendment.
Mr. President : I shall give my ruling later. We shall take up the
other items now. Certain new items have been proposed. Some are in
the printed list. Before we go to that, let us go through the other entries.
*CAD, Vol. IX, 1st September 1949, p. 853.
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912 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
ENTRY 91
*Mr. Naziruddi Ahmad : I shall not move the amendment; but
I shall speak on the entry itself.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Why not present the baby
with the song? Why the song only? You may move the amendment
and make a speech.
*****
†The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Mr. President, I
propose to deal with the objection raised by my friend Sardar
Hukam Singh. I do not think he has realised what is the purpose
of entry 91 and I should therefore like to state very clearly what
the purpose of 91 in List is. It is really to define a limit or scope
of List I and I think we could have dealt with this matter, viz., of
the definition of and scope of Lists II and III by adding an entry
such as 67 which would read :
“Anything not included in List II or III shall be deemed to fall in List I.”
That is really the purpose of it. It could have been served in
two different ways, either having an entry such as the one 91
included in List I or to have an entry such as the one which I
have suggested— ‘that anything not included in List II or III
shall fall in List I’. That is the purpose of it. But such an entry
is necessary and there can be no question about it. Now I come
to the other objection which has been repeated if not openly at
least whispered as to why we are having these 91 entries in List I
when as a matter of fact we have an article such as 223 which is
called residuary article which is “Parliament has exclusive power
to make any law with respect to any matter not enumerated in
the Concurrent List or State List”. Theoretically I quite accept the
proposition that when anything which is not included in List II
or List III is by a specific article of the Constitution handed over
to the Centre, it is unnecessary to enumerate these categories
which we have specified in List I. The reason why this is done
is this. Many States people, and particularly the Indian States
at the beginning of the labours of the Constituent Assembly,
were very particular to know what are the legislative powers of
the Centre. They wanted to know categorically and particularly;
they were not going to be satisfied by saying that the Centre will
*CAD, Vol. IX, 1st September 1949, p. 854.
†Ibid., pp. 856-857.