Vol. 14, Part I · pages 296–300
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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for the stridhan property and another line of succession for widow’s property ?
These are the two principal questions which arise when one begin to codify
this law. The Committee came to the conclusion that so far as codification
was concerned, its purpose would be defeated if we allow the present chaos
to continue. We must either decide that a woman will not be entitled to have
absolute property or we must decide that a woman should have absolute
property. We must also decide what should be the line of heirs for a woman:
whether they should be uniform or they should be different. The Committee
came to the conclusion that so far as right to property is concerned, there
should be uniformity and uniformity should recognise that the woman has
absolute property.
I know a great deal of the argument that is always urged against women
getting absolute property. It is said that women are imbecile; it is said that
they are always subject to the influence of all sorts of people and consequently,
it would be very dangerous to leave women in the world subject to the
influences of all sorts of wily men who may influence them in one way or
another to dispose of property both to the detriment of themselves as well
as to the detriment of the family from which they have inherited the family
property. The view that, the Committee has taken is a very simple one. In
certain matters or certain kinds of property which is called stridhan property
the Smritis are prepared to invest woman with absolute right. There can be
no question at all that a woman has an absolute right over her stridhan
property. She can dispose it of in any way she likes. My submission to the
House is this. If the woman can be trusted to dispose of her stridhanam
property in the best way she likes, and nobody has ever raised an argument
for the obliteration of that rule of Mitakshara, the burden of proof lies upon
the opponents who say that the other part of the property, namely, widow’s
estate, which the woman has inherited, should not become her absolute
property. It is they who must prove that while the women are competent to
dispose of a certain part of the property which they possess, they are not
competent to dispose of a certain other part. The Committee, on a very careful
examination, failed to find a satisfactory solution of this dilemma. The
Committee, in my judgement, very rightly, came to the conclusion that if in
certain cases women were competent and intelligent to sell and dispose of
their property, they must be held to be competent in respect of the disposal
of the other property also. That is the reason why the Committee have made
this rule that women should now possess absolute property.
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The other question that arises on this issue, namely women’s property
is the share of the daughter. I know it would be a very great under-statement
to say that this is a ticklish question; it is a very anxious question. There
are many people in this world, in India today, both orthodox and unorthodox
who cannot help producing daughters; they do. I do not know what would
happen to this world if daughters were not born. At the same time, they
do not want to extend to the daughter the same love and affection which
a parent is bound to extend both to the male and female issue. But, I am
not going to use any such high level of argument in favour of the proposition
which has been enunciated by the Select Committee; I am going to speak
on a much lower tone. The first thing that. I would like to address myself
to this house is this. The inclusion of the daughter among the heirs is not
an innovation which is made by this Committee. Honourable members who
are familiar with the law of inheritance as it prevails both under the
Mitakshara and Dayabagha, I am sure, will admit that the daughter is
included by both of them under what is called the compact series. As
members will know, Hindu heirs are divided into several.categories. The first
category, is called, compact series. After that, there is a series of heirs spoken
of as Sapindas, then comes samanodaks. After that comes the bandhus.
Bandhus are divided into three categories : Atma bandhus, Pitru bandhus
and Matru bandhus. The compact series is really a special class of heirs
which does not conform strictly to the basic principles of heirship surrounded
round gotraja, samanodaka and bandhus, because it is a mixed category.
It is a category which is based on double foundation. It is based on
propinquity; it is also based on religious efficacy. They do not conform to
any of the criteria which have been laid down for determining the categories
of sapindas, samanodakas and bandhus.
If you take both the laws, the Mitakshara as well as the Dayabhaga, you
will see that the daughter is included within the category known as compact
3 P.M. series. The only distinction between the Mitakshra and the
Dayabhaga is this. According to the Dayabhaga the necessary
element in heirship is the capacity to offer oblation. Consequently the
Dayabhaga makes a rule between a daughter who is unmarried, a
daughter who is married, a daughter who is married but has a son,
and a daughter who is a widow. They give preference to a daughter
who is married and has a son. Next to that they give preference
to a daughter who is married. The unmarried daughter comes
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third. But it is within that category, the reason being that a daughter who
is married and has a son, is ready there to offer oblation, because her son
can offer oblation. A daughter who is unmarried, has no son, and therefore
his possibility of offering an oblation does not exist. That is why she has been
kept down. But the point I want to emphasize, and which I want the House
to bear in mind is that there is no innovation as such in the inclusion of the
daughter in the category of compact series. She has always been there both
according to the Mitakshara and according to the Dayabhaga. The only
innovation which the Bill seeks to make is to raise the status of the daughter.
Under the Bill she becomes simultaneous heir, along with the son the widow,
the widow of the predeceased son, son of a predeceased son of a predeceased
son, widow of a predeceased son of a predeceased son.
The point is this that originally, and particularly according to the Mitakshara
Law, no female was entitled to any kind of share at all. This law was changed
in the year 1937 whereby the widow of the deceased, the widow of the
predeceased son and of his grandson and great-grandson—they were all made
simultaneous heirs along with the son. The only omission that was made
was in respect of the daughter. The government at that time was not prepared
to lend its support to put the daughter on the same level as the widow and
the widows of the predeceased son and the predeceased son’s son. This is
therefore the only innovation that the Bill makes. It merely raises it up in
the order of heirs. It is not that for the first time she has been made an
heir.
Now I come to the question of her share. As the Rau Committee
has pointed out, and as many of the witnesses who know the Shastras
have pointed out, that it is impossible to deny the fact that the daughter
according to the Smritis was a simultaneous heir along with the son
and that she was entitled to one-fourth share of her father’s property.
That has been accepted as a text from the Yagnavalkya and also from
Manu. I once counted 137 Smritis and I do not know why our ancient
Brahmins were so occupied in writing Smritis and why they did not
spend their time doing something else it is impossible to say, assuming
that that occupation was a paramount occupation of the day. There
is no doubt that the two Smritikars whom I have mentioned—
Yagnavalkya and Manu, rank the highest among the 137 who had tried
their hands in framing Smritis. Both of them have stated that the
daughter is entitled to one-fourth share. It is a pity that somehow
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for some reason custom has destroyed the efficacy of that text: otherwise, the
daughter would have been, on the basis of our own Smritis, entitled to get
one-fourth share. I am very sorry for the ruling which the Privy Council gave.
It blocked the way for the improvement of our law. The Privy Council in
an earlier case said that custom will override law, with the result that it
became quite impossible to our Judiciary to examine our ancient codes and
to find out what laws were laid down by our Rishis and by our Smritikars.
I have not the least doubt about it that if the Privy Council had not given
that decision, that custom will override text, some lawyer, some Judge would
have found it quite possible to unearth this text of Yagnavalkya and
Munusmriti, and women today would have been enjoying, if not more, at least
one-fourth of the share of their property.
The original Bill had raised the share of the daughter to one-half. My Select
Committee went a step further and made her share full and equal to that
of the son.
I am not entitled to disclose what happened at the Select Committee and
how this provision came to be made. I am perfectly .............
Shrimati Renuka Ray (West Bengal: General): Unanimously !
Mr. Deputy Speaker : Was it a compromise between twice the share of
a son claimed and half the share provided in the Bill ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : It was not a compromise. My
enemies combined with my enthusiastic supporters and my enemies thought
that they might damn the Bill by making it appear worse than it was.
Shri. H. V. Kamath : Have you any enemies.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : However, this is the position,
namely, so far as the daughter’s share is concerned, the only innovation that
we are making is that her share is increased and that we bring her in the
line with the son or the widow. That also, as I say, would not be an innovation
if you accept my view that in doing this we are merely going back to the
text of the Smritis which you all respect.
I might also say that in discussing this question about the share
of the daughter, myself, and the members of the Law Department
examined every system of inheritance. We examined the Muslim system
of inheritance : We examined the Parsi system of inheritance : We
examined also the Indian Succession Act and the line of succession
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that had been laid down and we also examined the British system of
inheritance, and nowhere could we find any case where a daughter. was
excluded from a share. There is no system anywhere in the world where a
daughter has been excluded.
Now, Sir one question has been brought forth constantly—that the giving
of the share to the daughter means disruption of the family. I must frankly
confess that I cannot appreciate the force of that argument. If a man has
twelve sons and one daughter, and if the twelve sons on the day of the death
of the father immediately decide on partition and obtain a twelfth of the total
property of the father, is the partition going to be much more worse, if mere
was a daughter, the thirteenth, who also demanded a share ?
Twelve share or 12 fragments is not a better situation than 13 fragments.
If you want to prevent fragmentation we shall have to do something else, not
by the law of inheritance but by some other law, whereby property shall not
be fragmented so as to become less useful from a national point of view for
purposes of national production.
Shri T. A. Ramalingam Chettiar (madras : General): Is the Hindu Code
applied to agricultural land ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: It is not. I am saying generally.
I think I have, so far as I know, exhausted what I have to say on the
various points of controversy which I had seen raised both by members of
this House as well as by the members of the public. I hope that the
clarification which I have given on the various points will allay the fears of
members who are not well disposed towards this measure. They will realise
that this is in no sense a revolutionary measure. I say that this is not even
a radical measure and I should like to draw the attention of the members
of this House to one important fact, namely the consitution and composition
of the Rau Committee. There were four members of that committee but I should
like to point out that two of them who have signed the report are far from
radical members of the Hindu community. My friend Mr. Gharpure, whom
I have known for a long number of years, is one of the most conservative
members I know ..........
Shri H. V. Kamath : Politically or Socially ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Politically and socially
also. In fact I have no hesitation in saying that he may on certain