Vol. 14, Part I · pages 321–325
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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I am afraid that as soon as the will comes in, neither the sons nor
the daughters would be able to share the property under the provision
of this law which seeks to confer upon them the right of succession. All
that property will be grabbed by the lawyers.
Then again another thing will happen. The Honourable Dr. Ambedkar
wants that the daughters should also be given the right of succession
to the property. Then I would submit that in our society which is
undivided at present, when the fathers execute the will, they will not
bequeath anything to their daughters, but would give to the sons alone,
and thus this would defeat the very object with which you want to confer
the right of succession on the women. In regard to succession, I would
like to say that just as Dr. Ambedkar has himself admitted, it is a very
intricate subject. It so looks to us—we might or might not be Socialists
or Communists—that on the one hand the industrialists have raised the
voice that the industries are not being developed in this country and
on the other hand the question of succession has been mooted out.
Therefore, the best thing would be that you should abolish the system
of private property. If after the liquidation of this private ownership,
a new society is evolved—I do not say that the structure of that society
should be based on the principles of Socialism and Communism—but I
have since formed this opinion that a new class of society should be built
after the liquidation of the individual holdings. If our capitalists see to
this they will no doubt find that this wealth is no longer a source of
solace to them. I belong to that very class which can be termed as
capitalist. But we see who is deriving the real pleasure out of this
hoarded wealth ? I have not come across any such capitalist who can
fill his belly by eating and digesting 10 or 20 seers, while a poor man
can be satiated by taking half a seer or three quarter of a seer. I have
also not seen any such capitalist who puts on about 100, 200 or 400
yards of cloth at a time, while a poor man can cover his body with only
five or six yards.
The Honourable Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad (Minister of
Education): Some people do war !
Seth Govind Das : I am accustomed to live in palaces, and I would
like to say that if any capitalist is made to sleep in one of the large
halls of his palace, he cannot enjoy the sleep. For sleeping purpose,
only one room measuring about 12 or 14 feet is required. Now-adays wealth has become an affliction—for the wealthy too. Those
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people who do not get this, they desire to acquire it and those who have
got it suffer great hardships and on account of that they cannot live
peacefully.
The Honourabel Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad : And they do not
want us to give up also !
Seth Govind Das : They do not want to give up because the man
who discards that wealth is looked upon with great esteem in the society.
Shri Sita Ram S. Jajoo (Madhya Bharat) : The man who renounces
this or gives it in charity is also equally respected.
Seth Govind Das : It is alleged by our Socialists and Communists
that all the capitalists are robbers, dacoits and wayfarers. Some of the
Socialists, Communists might differ from this. I cannot ascribe this to
all of them. But many of them would renounce their Socialistic and
Communistic creed if they can acquire this wealth. The hoarders of
wealth are even today held in esteem by the society. We should try to
overhaul the conceptions and values of the society in such a manner
so that the capitalists may in reality be treated as dacoits and robbers;
and then only I would say that no capitalist would like to wear this
collar around his neck. Therefore, with a view to tackle this knotty
problem of succession, I would urge that our Honourable Law Minister
Dr. Ambedkar may bring forth such a measure which should seek to
abolish the system of private ownership and thus ameliorate the
condition of those people who have fallen a victim to this.
Shrimati G. Durgabai (Madras : General): Will you not oppose that?
Seth Govind Das: In my opinion these are the only two points in
this Bill which are subject to good deal of controversy. I am also of the
opinion that keeping in view the trend of the time and without indulging
into any sort of controversy, we postpone the enactment of this Bill till
the formation of the new Assembly and in the meantime invite the
opinion of the people in this connection; and after ascertaining the wishes
of the people, we should bring forth this measure as soon as the fresh
elections are held. We should not present this measure in the form of
a Hindu Code but the proper course would be to pass it in the same
manner in which we have passed our constitution which provides for
the rights of every citizen in the country.
Dr. Mono Mohan Das (West Bengal; General): On a point of
order, Sir, is there no time limit for allowing this kind of discussion ?
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Mr. Deputy Speaker : There is no time limit.
Seth Govind Das : With these words I would conclude, and say that
I feel it absolutely necessary that reforms should be made in our social laws.
I also admit this that those people who oppose this Bill in the same manner
in which they behaved at the time of the enactment of laws relating to the
abolition of Sati, widow-marriage and prevention of child marriges are not
following the right course of action. But along with this I also admit that
this Bill has not been moved at the opportune time and we should postpone
its consideration at the moment. We should present it only after ascertaining
the public opinion. With these words, neither I support this, nor oppose this.
* Shrimati Sucheta Kripalani (U. P.: General): Sir, ever since we
had a sovereign legislature, no piece of legislation has given rise to
greater excitement and controversy than this Hindu Code Bill. If all this
controversy had been based on reason and on the merits of the changes
proposed in Hindu Law it would have been to the good but much of
the controversy is clouded by irrelevent issues. The argument of Religion
in Danger has inspired much of the propaganda against the Code. It
is urged that it will shake the foundation of the Hindu religion. Those
who put forward such argument do a great injustice to their own religion.
Hindu religion is primarily concerned with the spiritual emancipation
of the individual, his progress towards self-realisation. The self-fulfilment
of an individual stands in need of certain moral and spiritual principles
as truth, justice, non-violence, etc. These are embodied in our scriptures.
These are unchangeable and fundamental. The social arrangements,
institutions, conversations and customs that have evolved through the
ages are not religion. The Hindu Code does not seek to disturb the Hindu
religion but to amend and modify the Hindu civil law. The law has
changed from time to time. It is different from religion and has never
been unchangeable and static. The authors of the Dharma Shastras
changed the law from time to time according to the consciousness of the
community at the time. The right to make changes was well recognised
by the Dharma Shastra. The Hindu law became rigid and static only
after the advent of the British.
It has been the boast of Hinduism that while the fundamentals have
remained unchanged, the Hindu social institutions have changed to
suit changing circumstances. Continuous adaptability has been the
strength and essence of Hinduism. Unless Hindu society is to remain
*C.A. (Leg.) D., Vol. II, Part II, 24th February 1949, pp. 866-924.
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static and dead the law must change to fit with the changing circumstances.
We also know that the Smrities have not remained unchanged. The
smrities did include other branches of law besides those of succession
and marriage. These have been dealt with by the Indian legislature and
some of them have been superseded. Hindu religion did not flounder.
Hindu religion has survived that shock. If Hindu religion could survive
the shock of these changes I am sure Hindu society and religion can
survive the shock of a little more change.
We have also brought in social legislation of great importance. We have
abolished the Sati: we have abolished child marriage : we have also
abolished to a great extent untouchability. Hindu religion is a very
catholic and liberal religion. So the argument of religion in danger does
not behave us. Within the fold of this liberal and catholic religion people
of various views, customs and manners have found shelter and lived.
Today what has happened ? Why have we lost our faith in our own
religion that we are raising the cry of religion in danger ? It does not
mean that I want to say that all those who oppose us are orthodox and
are reactionaries. I only want to point out that in forcing your point
of view, you are only doing injustice to your religion when you put
forward this argument.
Another argument is this that this Bill should not have been taken
up for consideration now and that we have not given the country
sufficient opportunity to get acquainted with the provisions of the Bill.
As far as I know this Bill has been before the House and before the
country for about the last ten years. Some of the measures embodied
in the Bill as Succession Bill and Marriage Bill, I think, were introduced
in the House in 1943. The Hindu Law Committee was appointed in
1944. Its Report was published, I think, in 1945 or 1946 and the draft
Bill has been translated into thirteen Indian languages. Thousands of
copies of this draft Bill have been circulated. Even after this if we do
not know the provisions of the Hindu Code Bill, then, it is our
fault and not the fault of the Government. Besides that the Bill won’t
be passed in a day here. We will take a lot of time to consider it.
It will take a good deal of time when we consider it in detail. At
that time we will have enough opportunity to go to the public, to
acquaint them with the provisions of the Bill and also to ascertain
their opinion. There is a whispering propoganda, a very strange
propoganda, that this Bill should be postponed till after the next general
election. Why should it be postponed ? Because this may adversely
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affect our party’s popularity ? Is it befitting or worthy of the Congress
to put forward such arguments ? Have we ever considered our popularity
before our duty ? If we think that a Bill is just, if we consider that
a Bill is for the good of the people then it is our duty to go ahead with
it. To shelve a Bill just in order to catch votes for the next election is
not right. I think it is not even honest. For us the good of the people
has always been the supreme consideration. If we don’t take this point
of view, if we don’t keep this attitude before us, we will never be able
to sponsor any radical change. Whatever be the field of our life when
a radical change is sought to be made, we are bound to come against
some vested interests and some established custom. There is always
bound to be a cry against such changes. If we give up reform on that
score then we shall never change anything.
I would like to say this. Much has been said about the volume of
opinion against the Hindu Code Bill. I would like to say with all humility
that there is also a very good group—an intelligent, thoughtful group—
supporting the measure too. And that intelligent, thoughtful group does
not consist of women alone. We have a lot of brothers with us in this
measure. We have also seen in history in other countries whenever a
radical change was introduced, whenever any reform was sought to be
brought into being, it was a small conscious minority that forms up the
cause, that educated the public, that did propioganda and after some
time public opinion veered round it. So I am sure though it may be that
there is a volume of opinion against the Hindu Code, if what we are
trying to do is just and right, I am more than sure that public opinion
will come with us. Not only will it come with us but it will bless us
after a time for the good ( An Honourable Member: “It is already with
us”) measure that we have passed. They say, they have got the majority
with them. So this is my answer.
In the heat and controversy many times we forget that the Bill does
not consist of merely the Succession and the Marriage provisions. We
have tried to make a uniform and entire system of law. In this entire
system of law or Code we have tried to put right a lot of discrepancies,
inequities, and injustices. For instance this morning Dr. Ambedkar in
his learned speech told us how the provisions regarding guardianship,
maintenance, adoption etc. are going to be beneficial to the society. Those
who are totally opposed to the Bill have been forgetting the good side
of the Bill, the non-controversial side, and have concentrated all their
attack on such the entire Bill.