Vol. 14, Part I · pages 46–50
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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It is true that the Code has abolished the six discrimination with
regard to inheritance. A woman is recognised as an heir and she is also
entitled to enjoy her property in her full rights; that is, the Code has
abolished the limited estate of the woman. Even then we feel that it
does not go far enough. A daughter who is recognised an heir inherits
the property, but she inherits half the share of the son. This violates
the principle of equality on which we have again and again said that
our new Constitution is going to be based—a Constitution which aims
to secure for the people of this country justice, social, political and
economic. We, therefore, feel that the daughter should get an equal share
in the property of her father with the son and the son also should get
an equal share in the property of his mother with the daughter. It is
also argued that a daughter gets her share from her father as well as
from her husband, while the man does not get anything from his wife.
We have already proposed, that is the Women’s Organisations have said,
that the husband can also inherit the property of his wife in the same
way that the wife inherits the property of her husband. In the Indian
Succession Act the provision for the inheritance of husband is already
there and I think we shall do well to copy that provision.
People have argued, and the honourable friend who spoke before me
has said that if a daughter is given her share, especially in a landed
property, there will be fragmentation of land. But why is this argument
trotted out in the case of a daughter’s inheritance? The same thing
applies if a man has more than one son; if he has, say, four or five
sons the land has to be fragmented; why is the argument not trotted
out then, and only trotted out when the question of daughters inheriting
the property comes up? The better thing would be that there should
be law against fragmentation and the property should be sold if it goes
below the prescribed limit. Or there is another alternative and that is
collectivisation of the land.
Then with regard to the question of marriage. I am gratified, and
the women of India will be very happy to know, that the principle
of monogamy is recognised, and if the Code comes into being then
the principle of monogamy will be established. Sir, we have felt that
all civilised nations, all civilised communities have adopted the
principle of monogamy. Disrespect for women and all the atrocities
that we hear of perpetrated on women are I think due to the fact
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that this principle of polygamy exists. If we had monogamy, I do not
think that women would have been abducted, married off or other things
would have happened to them. This is a very wholesome principle and
I hope the House will accept it.
But with regard to some of the conditions of marriage there are one
or two points that I would like to suggest. With regard to the marriage
of the sapindas and the definition of sapinda, that requires a little
revision; we are not quite satisfied with the definition that is given in
the Code. Then again, we would like the age of marriage also to be
a condition of a valid marriage. We have got the Sarda Act but that
is not satisfactory; that has not satisfied the people because it has not
been able to prevent child marriages; it is not effective. For that reason
we would like the law to be more drastic. If we want sixteen to be the
age of marriage, then it is very necessary that it should be included
as one of the conditions of valid marriage and I would like the Select
Committee to make that change.
Then with regard to divorce, even that from the point of view of some
does not go far enough. There is, however, one thing that I would like
to bring to the notice of the members of the Select Committee and that
is, the time given for desertion. If a man or a woman deserts his or
her spouse, it has been provided, he or she can divorce her or him after
five years. Five years is the period given in the Code. Even in “ Narad
Smriti” it is given that a childless woman should wait for three years.
After three years she can marry again. So why not also bring that
particular provision here that if a woman is childless, she need not wait
till five years, but can divorce her husband after three years? If a woman
has got children, then five years would be the right period, but for a
childless woman three years would be a reasonable period.
With regard to guardianship, here also the Code has not made any
changes in the present law. Father is the natural guardian of the
children. The mother does not come in. We would like the mother also
to be a co-guardian of the children with the father.
With regard to adoption, I think the whole chapter should be
scrapped. We are a secular State. We want to be a secular State.
Adoption in Hindu law is for religious purposes. Why should a secular
State have anything to do with a religious custom? What we are
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concerned with is whether adoption which is for religious purposes should
be recognised by the State for purposes of inheritance. We say that it
should not. If a child is adopted—whether it is a boy or a girl—we would
like a daughter also to be adopted—if a child is adopted not for religious
purpose, but for real purpose, i.e. that the parents want a child, then
that child should have the same rights as the natural child. But, if there
is adoption for religious purposes, only then I think that adoption should
not be recognised for purposes of inheritance.
These are some of the important points that I would like the Select
Committee to consider. Speeches have been made, at least my Honourable
friend Dr. Pattabhi has made a very long speech—praising all sorts of
things about our past traditions. We have looked too much to the past.
We must now look to the future. It is for the future generation that
we are making this law. It is not for us, but for the future generation
that is coming after us that this law will be applied. We have to look
to the future conditions. After all, it is the conditions that determine
the law. The law reflects the society. The law reflects the conditions
in which the people live. We have to see that the future generation is
not fettered by our own prejudices with regard to marriage or divorce
or with regard to any other ideas that we may have today. I hope the
Select Committee will consider that and produce a Bill which will be
a great boon to the future Hindu society.
* Shri Ram Sahai (Gwalior State): ( English translation of the Hindi
speech) Mr. Speaker, Sir, I have nothing to say particularly in reference
to the Bill. I appreciate the manner in which this Bill has been drafted
after keeping in view the needs of the present day Hindu Society. But,
I find in it one or two defects, and I think it necessary to explain them
for the consideration of the Select Committee.
It has been laid down in Section 3(6) of Part IV of the Bill that in
case of minor girls, the consent of her guardian must be obtained for
her marriage. But so far as the question of declaring the marriage as
invalid is concerned, it has been stated in Section 5 that it shall
not be deemed to be invalid merely on the ground that such consent
was not or had not been obtained. I fail to understand why it should
not be deemed to be invalid when it has been expressely laid down
* C.A. (Leg.) D., 9th April 1948, pp. 3646-47.
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that the consent of the guardian must be obtained. If the consent of
the guardian had been obtained by means of fraud or force, that marriage
can be deemed to be invalid, but if the consent had not been obtained
at all, then why should not the marriage be deemed to be invalid? On
the contrary it has been laid down that the marriage will not be deemed
to be invalid merely for this reason. This is the one defect which should
be considered by the Select Committee.
Another point which I have to mention is in regard to ‘Succession’
and which Mrs. Hansa Mehta has just referred to in her speech. But
I do not see eye to eye with the views expressed by her and am of the
opinion that the manner in which the order of succession has been
prescribed ignores the fundamental tenets of Dharam Shastras (Hindu
Code of Law). I do not mean that the women should not be given any
rights. I am of the opinion that, they have been given more rights here
than men. I may point out that while a daughter gets a share both in
her patrimony and the property of her husband’s family, there does not
exist any such provision in this Bill which gives a man a share in the
property of his father-in-law in addition to his patrimony. The men are
thus, being subjected to the same injustice which has uptil now been
done to the women. On the contrary, it can be argued that the share
which his wife will get in her patrimony will make up the deficiency.
But after considering objects underlying the Bill and the worldly
conditions which have necessitated it, it is felt that the real problem
remains unsolved. The reason for this is that the property which a
woman acquires out of her patrimony shall be treated as her Stridhana
and her husband will have no right to that, therefore, he will not derive
any particular benefit from this. In this way, I submit this second point
for consideration by the Select Committee which is very essential.
I have yet to say another thing. Whatever may be the differences
between the tenets of Dharam shastra and the present day conditions,
I feel that we must follow the fundamental principles propounded
therein; and keeping these in view we should decide all the issues.
We should make only those changes which are considered necessary
in view of the present conditions and trend of the society. We should
not resort to introduce any change merely under excitement or in
imitation of the western civilisation which may obstruct the growth
of our society and produce some sort of difficulties that may not be
desirable.
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Therefore, I would submit that those who are members of the Select
Committee should consider these things and try to make necessary
amendments.
* Dr. B. V. Keskar (U.P.: General): Sir, I take this opportunity of
congratulating the Honourable the Law Minister for bringing this Bill
forward in spite of the inordinate delay that has taken place since this
idea was first conceived. Sir there is no doubt that this is a very, very
important Bill. As my Honourable friend, Dr. Pattabhi said, I do not
think there has been any bill so radical and so revolutionary which is
trying to change the very foundations of Hindu society, a society which
has remained fossilized for the last thousand years. No doubt and it
is to that that I want to draw the attention of this House and the
members of the Select Committee, the very fact that this society has
remained fossilized for the last thousand years and has developed such
inertia, such lethargy, in the body politic that all manner and all kinds
of forces will come forward to impede the passing of this Bill and passing
of any Bill to change the existing structure of Hindu society. It is to
this inertia, this lethargy of Hindu society which has probably become
its bane, that the members of the Select Committee and the honourable
the Law Minister will have to look to, because I have no doubt that
until this Bill is passed, to the very last moment every sort of effort,
will be made to see that this Bill does not become a law. The changes
that are suggested are such that there is a fundamental change in Hindu
law. I know mat orthodoxy will try in every way. My honourable friend,
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad was good enough to voice the alarm of a certain
section of the orthodox society about the revolutionary nature of this
Bill. No doubt, some of the changes suggested appear revolutionary. But
as Dr. Pattabhi rightly observed the changes are really not revolutionary.
They are due to the fact that for the last so many centuries, Hindu
society has not been allowed to evolve. So we have to try to change
in a few days what would have been done in centuries. I would, therefore,
ask the Members of the Select Committee not to fall a prey to the
pressure of what is called the so-called orthodox opinion which is really
the opinion of the inertia of so many centuries which does not want
anything to change, but after thinking over it for years and years,
* C.A. (Leg.) D., Vol. IV, 9th April 1948, pp. 3647-48.