Vol. 14, Part I · pages 576–580
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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marriage between sapindas is perfectly valid if it happens to be a
civil marriage under clause 10. This is the difference or gap between
the validity of the sacramental marriage and the validity of the civil
marriage. What does clause 21 lay down ? It says that it is open
to the parties who have entered into a sacramental marriage of the
type envisaged in clause 7 later on go to the Registrar and ask him
to register it as a civil marriage and the poor Registrar will have
no option. What is the legal effect of these three provisions read
together ? Whatever sanctity is attached to the sacramental marriage
is eliminated. Mind you, one of the requisite conditions of a valid
sacramental marriage is that there should be no marriage between
sapindas. This condition does not exist in section 10 and the poor
Registrar, inspite of the fact that the sacramental marriage was an
invalid marriage because of this, has to register it as a civil marriage.
Therefore, the camouflage, the curtain of a sacramental marriage is
lifted here and the effect of invalidity, because it was a marriage
between sapindas is circumvented by this device. I ask, is it in
accordance with Hindu ideals of marriage ? Will not all persons be
inclined, wherever they choose, to celebrate a marriage between
sapindas ? They can do it as a sacramental marriage and subsequently
go and cure the invalidity by undergoing civil marriage.
We come then to provisions of Section 9. It has been stated that
even the sacramental marriage must be entered into a marriage
certificate register and that if it is not so entered the defaulter
may be punished under the law. As regards its validity, it is very
doubtful whether it will be valid or not. Of course, the Rau Bill did not
go so far. The Rau Bill left it at the option of the parties to either
get an entry made in the register or not. The only object with
which such a provision was incorporated in the Rau Bill was to facilitate
the proof of marriage. But that object has been told good-bye in
the present Bill. What is stated here is that it will be open to any
Provincial Government to make the registration of sacramental marriages compulsory. The provision of section 6 says that a marriage in
order to be valid, must be in accordance with the provisions of the Bill.
If not, then it is not a valid marriage. Therefore, the conclusion is
irresistible from the reading of Sections 6,7,10 and 21 that any marriage
which has not been registered by the married couple in the certificate
register will be invalid. I respectfully submit, what are the legal
consequences flowing from this sort of a provision ? Are they not
repulsive to the very ideal of Hindu society, to the very injunctions
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of the shastras which lay down that a marriage solemnly entered into
is an indissoluble tie and cannot be brought to an end ? Here if the
married couple was foolish enough not to get an entry made to that effect
in the register, their marriage will be invalid.
Coming to the next important provision in this Bill, that is, the
provision regarding divorce. The question arises about past practice and
we were quoted the smritis of Narad and Parasar by the Honourable
the Law Minister to prove that divorce did exist in the Hindu society.
I respectfully submit what has been pointed out by Mr. Dwarka Nath
Mitter, the dissenting Member of the Rau Committee, before whom these
very scriptures were put forward; he has interpreted them not merely
on his own knoweldge of Sanskrit but upon the knowledge of learned
pandits. He says that the only and the reasonable interpretation and
construction of Narad and Parasar is that there can be a breaking of
relationship only upto the betrothal stage, not after the actual marriage
had taken place. Therefore, it is no use relying upon the smritis to
establish the practice of divorce.
One of the arguments advanced by the Honourable the Law
Minister, and repeated by Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava, was that
divorce already exists in 90 per cent of the Hindu society. Accordingly
to Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava, not only in 90 per cent of the Hindu
society but even in 95 per cent it exists. I would respectfully ask,
if what you say is a fact, where is the necessity of enacting any piece
of legislation on divorce ? You are expected to legislate for the
majority and not for a hopeless minority. The divorce of the form
you have introduced in this piece of legislation will make the life
miserable of the 90 or 95 per cent of the Hindu society amongst whom
you say divorce already prevails, because according to the provisions
of the present Bill it will be incumbent upon each party to the
marriage, before it can resort to divorce, to go for the dissolution
of marriage before a competent Court of Law. As has been pointed
out by one of the gentlemen who wrote a dissenting note to this Select
Committee Resort in most of the parts of the country among the
agriculturists divorce is resorted to in a very simple manner by
the execution of a deed of relinquishment or in any other manner,
before the panchayat of the village. You must take into consideration
the effect your legislation will have upon the agriculturists who
form 90 per cent of your population. What will be the effect if
clause 34 is brought on the Statute Book? Every couple, every
Member, every party to the marriage will be compelled to knock
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at the door of the Court of Law, to go to the district court and also
in appeal and till that takes place no divorce can come into effect. I
submit this will not be to the advantage but to the great disadvantage
of the overwhelming majority of people amongst whom you say the
custom of divorce prevails. Therefore, by enacting provisions of this type
you are not helping the hopeless minority of 5 per cent but you are
putting to disadvantage the majority of 90 per cent. Therefore, until and
unless your provisions undergo a drastic change and amendment they
should not and ought not to be brought on the Statute Book. I now come
to the question of adoption. Here also the learned author and the
draftsmen of this Bill have ignored the fundamental conception underlying adoption in Hindu law. As far as my meagre knowledge goes,
adoption is not recognised by any other law. In Muslim law it was in
vogue by custom, but even that has been brought to an end by legislation.
According to Hindu conception, the life of a Hindu is so inter-mixed and
inter-mingled with his religious conceptions and religion that it is
impossible to separate the two.
Shri H. V. Kamath : Is the Honourable Minister for Law resting
or meditating?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: I am hearing the honourable
Member.
Pandit Mukut Bihari Lal Bhargava: I was submitting that adoption
in Hindu law rests upon religious belief which says that it is essential
for the salvation of the soul of a departed man that he should have a
son who may be able to give him oblations so as to make him attain
moksha. So if you are going to legislate about adoption, you must keep
in mind the underlying conception. Otherwise, you eliminate it. If you
keep it, you keep the spirit underlying the doctrine of adoption. ( An
Honourable Member: What is the spirit?’) What are the criteria you have
fixed in this Bill for validity of adoption? While the Hindu law says that
the eldest and the only son cannot be taken in adoption, instead of
retaining that very salient principle, you want to reverse it and say that
even the eldest and the only son can be adopted. ( An Honourable Member :
‘It is unfair.’)
Babu Ramnarayan Singh : It is due to ignorance.
Pandit Mukut Bihari Lal Bhargava : It cuts at the very root of
the conception of adoption, because according to Hindu law there must
be the eldest or the only son to attend to the oblations for the departed
natural father.
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Similarly, what are the qualifications you have laid down in this Bill
for a boy to be taken in adoption ? The three conditions laid down are
that his age must be below 15, he must not be married and he must
be a Hindus. I would respectfully submit that by putting a provision
like this, you are putting the Hindus in great trouble, because according
to the well known conception and custom of Hindu society relating to
adoption marriage is not a disqualification, nor is age a disqualification.
Why, I ask, are you imposing these limitations ? Has your experience
of the administration of law in the past convinced you that these
restrictions are necessary ? As far as my meagre knowledge of law goes,
there has been no case where any difficulty has arisen. In fact, law by
custom has recognised the validity of the adoption of a married boy.
Similarly, whatever his age may be, the adoption is valid. What are the
difficulties experienced that make the change in the existing law
necessary ? It cannot be disputed that when you attempt any change
you must have cogent reasons; otherwise, you must recognise the existing
law.
Then, about the effect of adoption. You have given a good-bye to every
well-established custom of Hindu law. The Rau Bill proposed that the
effect of adoption would be to digest ownership of property vested within
three years of the adoption. The present Bill goes further and it says
that as soon as adoption takes place, there will be no, question of
divesting of property. From that date half will go to the widow or the
man and the other half to the boy. My respectful submission : why do
you want to bring in a novel doctrine of adoption ? Where is the reason
for it ? Has any difficulty arisen in the past ?
Then the question of disruption of the joint Hindu family. To me
it appears that a most vital and fundamental change is sought to
be brought about. Why should the time-honoured institution of Joint
Hindu family be an eye-sore to you ? It has been said that the joint
Hindu family as it was originally conceived has been shorn of its
true characteristics by a galaxy of case law. I admit. But if the institution
of joint Hindu family is an institution worthy of respect then your
duty is not to bring it to an end because it has been dilapidated in
the days of foreign rule, but to legislate for removing the difficulties
and defects that have cropped up in the joint Hindu family institution
and restore it to its previous position. We should have restored it to
its previous vigour. That has not been done. I have not heard a word
from the Honourable the Law Minister pointing out any fatal defects
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that existed in the joint family system. His only point is that true
characteristics have been shown off by case-law and therefore, the
institution should be put an end to. I say it is a counsel of despair. That
is a view which, at least I for myself cannot support. To me this joint
family institution is an institution of which any nation in the world can
well be proud of. It is an institution, Sir, which anticipated the socialistic
and communistic form of society, centuries before our time. It is an
institution, Sir, where even the invalid and the disabled members of the
family have equal right to the corpus of the family. It is an institution
which .....
Sirjut Kuladhar Chaliha (Assam : General): It is not prevalent in
Bengal.
Pandit Mukut Bihari Lal Bhargava : Bengal, as far as my meagre
knowledge goes is partly governed by Mitakshara and partly by the
Dayabhaga system.
An Honourable Member: No, all by Dayabhaga system.
Pandit Mukut Bihari Lal Bhargava : Therefore, Sir, my point
was that the axe of legislation should not have been applied by the
learned Law Minister to cut at the very root of the joint family tree,
if it does not rest on such firm and solid foundations as it did at
the time of our ancients. Legislation should have been undertaken
to protect it. In the time of the British, because we were subjected to
foreign rule, and they were not at all interested in keeping in tact
our time-honoured institutions. In fact, they had contempt for them.
When our own national government has come into power, is it too much
to expect that they should attempt to revive and restore this
time-honoured institution to its previous glory rather than destroy it.
I submit, Sir, by this Bill, the Hindu joint family is being shattered to
pieces. What the Rau Committee proposed was not so fraught with
danger as what is proposed in the provisions of this Bill. I invite attention
to clauses 86 and 87 of the present Bill. The Rau Committee in
clauses 1 and 2 of Part III-A only laid down that on the demise of a
coparcenar in the family, the right in the property will not devolve by
survivorship but will be by succession. That is intended to keep intact
the coparcenary for at least one generation. Even that was not tolerated
or liked by the present Select Committee and some of its members,
including the Law Minister, with the result that what sections 86 and