Vol. 14, Part I · pages 621–625
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 603
educated women of the country. We have also accepted that equality in our
Constitution. So, superficially looked at, it strikes one as to why there should
be any difference between a son and a daughter in the matter of inheritance.
But the question is not such a simple one. A father’s desire for the wellbeing of a son or daughter cannot be different. Naturally his love and
affection is bound to be equal. No sensible man can think that the son should
get everything and the daughter nothing. In fact that has not happened.
Reference was made that even in the middle-class families,—leave aside the
rich, they are very few in number—the father spends much more on the
marriage of the daughter than what his son could ever hope of getting, in
many cases even at the cost of the education of his sons. I say ‘in many
cases’. That is my reading of the matter. Why then is there opposition in
regard to inheritance ? Even the Sanatanist loves his daughter as much
as his son. We cannot say that Sanatanists make a difference in this respect.
The opposition is due to an important factor for considering which we must
look to the whole structure of our Hindu society.
A reference was made by my hon. friend Pandit Mukut Bihari Lal
Bhargava in this respect. I would like to elaborate that point a little
in as short a time as I can. The whole structure of our Hindu society is
evolved through centuries and centuries of time. In the structure of our
society the basic unit is the family. And on the continuity of that family
as a unit rested naturally the stability of our society. It is not based on
an individual as unit, but more or less the basis of the whole structure is
the family as a unit. And the continuity of the family was naturally the
main object with which all our laws and customs have been evolved from
time to time. The pivot therefore was the continuity of the family
which was the unit of the structure. Daughters naturally by marriage
pass into a different family while the sons remain in the family to continue
it. To foster the continuity and to prevent its being broken up, the joint
family system was evolved. Why was the joint family system a peculiar
feature of Hindu society ? Because Hindu society is based on the continuity
of the family. That is why the joint family system is a peculiar institution
of Hindu Law not known to other systems of law which are more or less
based on individuals. Till only a generation or two back the joint family
system worked well. It has maintained the continuity and stability of our
social structure for centuries past. That is why there is objection to the
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES604
throwing open of inheritance to the daughter. That objection is not for
political or social reasons but because if you open the inheritance to a
daughter the result is that the whole social structure based on the joint
family system will be broken.
The trend in the modern world is towards individualism. The joint family
system is cracking in many places. I would go to the length of saying that
the joint family system would not continue for all time under modern
conditions. But as it is there, the question is whether we shall gradually
replace it by the individual as the basis of our society or whether we shall
break it up by law as is proposed to be done by this measure. If we want
to break up the Hindu society suddenly, then I am afraid we shall be rocking
and shaking the foundations of that society which may result in consequences
unforeseen and unpredictable. The danger involved is not the mere opening
of inheritance to daughters but the fact that by that opening up of inheritance
the whole basis of society is involved. Hence the opposition. If only we try
by an evolutionary process to help in the process of disintegration of the
family which has already started owing to various economic and social causes,
the same results as are aimed at will be achieved but not suddenly and
abruptly. There is a clause in the Bill which says clearly that from the date
of the commencement of the Code the whole joint family system as such
will disappear. You are trying to do it suddenly and to my mind that is
sure to rock the very foundations of the society which has been based for
centuries past on the joint family as a unit of society. I would appeal to
my enthusiastic reformer friends that while I am one with them, that this
system no doubt has to be changed, and that as the world stands today
no one will be able to resist it for too long, while that is so the question
is whether we shall do it gradually, whether we shall carry the people with
us and go as far as they come with us, or as far as we can drag them
with us, or on the other hand whether we shall suddenly, by a stroke of
the pen and by legislation, say that all this joint family system is destroyed.
Even in these days when owing to abnormal circumstances people are
worried by so many problems, this question is attracting their attention and
therefore any abrupt action is likely to result in a state of affairs which
is desirable neither to the reformers nor to the others. I agree we can’t remain
stagnant. The Hindu society has undergone so many changes in the past
but by a different process altogether. If we try to force the events which
must happen gradually, I am sure the result is not going to be very happy.
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 605
Sir, I am surprised at one thing. Here we are trying to preserve adoption.
I don’t know for what purpose. Adoption is a thing which is peculiar to Hindu
law. In other societies also children are adopted but not for the purpose
of continuing the family, only to satisfy the natural craving in any human
being to have children and to rear them. I am told that in America and
England also people do adopt children but there the object of adoption is
different. The adoption as envisaged in the present system of Hindu law
is peculiar and it is so because the Hindu structure of the joint family is
based on the continuity of that joint family. But after the break up of the
joint family in the way you are trying to do by this legislation, what is the
necessity for making a provision for adoption? Look at it from a different
view. Why was adoption a peculiar feature of Hindu society ? Because the
main feature of the Hindu society was the basis of the joint family and
its continuity required adoption. With the breaking up of the joint family
and the coming of individualism, I don’t see why we should waste our time
on trying to preserve adoption. I am certainly against adoption. Even in
the case of adoptions that now take place, 99 cases out of 100 result in
litigation in courts because the whole idea has undergone a change. The
widow adopts a child thinking that the boy adopted might be useful to her
in managing her property and affairs free of charge. The boy thinks that
by adoption he will get something from the person who adopts him for
nothing. So, at present adoption takes place purely from a motive of selfinterest; adoption as conceived in the olden days is disappearing. As a lawyer
of some standing and experience, I have found that in 99 out of 100 cases
of adoption the result has been litigation because the original idea underlying
adoption has undergone a change. But now with the coming into force of
the provisions of this Bill the whole joint family system will disappear, the
individualistic society as in other parts of the world will come and it is
therefore not necessary to make any provision regarding adoption. It would
be confusing to do so. If we are consistent and logical in what we are doing,
we should do away with adoption altogether.
I have now to refer to marriage and divorce. A point was raised
by the Hon. member Mr. Santhanam who asked everyone whether they
were against or in favour of monogamy. I would say that monogamy
is absolutely necessary in these days. I don’t think there is any
member in this house who is opposed to it. But is the Hindu
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Code Bill necessary for that purpose ? We have got a measure in the Bombay
Province by which, so far as that Province is concerned, there is monogamy
and as a natural corollary to it divorce in certain cases is allowed. We have
not gone further than that measure in these matters. If the only object is
to ordain monogamy then I say there can be no objection to it, for, apart
from ideological reasons there are practical reasons also in its favour. Nobody
now wants to have more than one wife. There are very few excepting a
few millionaires and multimillionaires who can afford to have that luxury;
others can’t have it. It is not even a mental luxury as suggested by the
hon. Mr. Santhanam for the simple reason that one cannot manage without
anxiety even with one wife and her children. What mental luxury can a
man derive by the idea of being able to marry another wife under these
circumstances ? As a matter of fact, it is quite simple proposition and I
think both sides would agree that monogamy must be the rule. But let us
not try to confuse the real issue regarding divorce. As soon as you have
monogamy the result is that supposing one of the mates is a leper you have
to make arrangements to see that the other is relieved from that liability
or else you will be denying him the conjugal right. In some respects divorce
is a corollary of monogamy. Even Manu, the great law giver, has provided
for such cases.
u"Vs e‘rs izozftrs Dyhcs p ifrrs irkS iapRlq vkiRlq lqukjh.kk ifrjU;ks fo/h;rsA
But the main point so far I am concerned is that whether you lay down
monogamy by law or not it is going to be the rule with at least 9,999 out
of 10,000 people. So that question need not agitate our minds at all. Sir,
apart from all these considerations, there is one last point. A uniform
Civil Code must be our endeavour according to article 44 of the Constitution
which we have already passed. We have incorporated a Directive Principle
in our Constitution that the State shall endeavour to secure a uniform
Civil Code throughout the territory of India. I would like you seriously
to consider whether by enacting a measure like this only for the Hindus
we are advancing the cause of our progress towards that ideal. I should
think that we are going backward rather than forward. My hon. friend
Mr. Santhanam seemed to think that after the passing of that article 44,
we are trying to progress towards that ideal by this measure intended to
weld Hindus into one. It may or it may not be so. What is to be welded
in the interests of the security of our nation is not the welding of Hindus
alone but all the citizens of this country. All the inhabitants of India
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 607
should be welded into one. Marriage, inheritance etc. form part of civil codes
of all the countries world over. They must do so in India also. That Code
should apply to all citizens whether they be Hindus, Christians or Parsis
or Muslims. From that point of view, we are going exactly in the opposite
direction. I tell you why. The shibboleth of no interference in religious or
semi-religious matters was the creation of a foreign government. It was
imposed upon us in their interests and not in our interets. What is there
today to prevent us from including all these things in a uniform Civil Code ?
The present Hindu Code was conceived under different circumstances, and
at a time when there was no ideal of having a uniform Civil Code. But
since then, things have changed enormously and especially after Pakistan,
it should be our endeavour to bring closer all the different elements in the
country, be they Hindus, Christians, Muslims or Parsis. I do not want that
anything should be done for Hindus alone in such matters. We have already
decided upon joint elections for welding all the people of our country into
one. One uniform Civil Code will further bring all the people together. That
is the process which we must follow and which demands the attention and
interest of all of us. We must give up this idea that we cannot interfere
in the laws of inheritance and other social matters of persons belonging to
other religions. That idea must go. At the present moment,instead of building
one well-knit society, we want to stick to the old thing which was conceived
at a time when the aim was to keep us apart. Now the idea is different.
The security and well-being of our people demands the enactment of a
uniform Civil Code. I do not care whether I offend the susceptibilities of
some orthodox friends when I say this, but I am quite frank and open. If
things are to be done, they must be done in the right way. We cannot partly
stick to the old things and partly bring in new things. In this connection,
I can mention that a, uniform Civil Code is in operation in Goa. The Law
minister himself probably knows that. The laws of inheritance etc. are
applicable to Christians, Hindus, Muslims and everybody alike in that part
of India under the Portuguese. If that is so, why should we be afraid ? Our
fear is the result of what we have inherited from the past—this shibboleth,
I said, of noninterference in religious or semi-religious matters. But
that was done by the British for their own purposes, because they wanted
to keep us apart. Now our ideal is to unite all our people in the nation.
What we ought to do is instead of proceeding with a Bill of this nature,