Vol. 14, Part I · pages 646–650
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES628
Mr. Chairman : May I know whether the hon. Member can finish his
speech within three minutes more. I will give him minutes three now.
Shri Sita Ram S. Jajoo : I know, Madam, I have given an assurance.
If you wish, I may sit down just now. But I thank you for giving me three
minutes more.
Now, I was saying that Dr. Ambedkar is here. He will certainly convey
our views. He is in charge of the Bill. It is no use cursing and blaming
the present Government. After all, if we see the history of this Bill, this
Bill was brought by our predecessor Government—a foreign government. At
that time, we did not have the guts to fight it. Whenever social measures
were brought forward by the foreign government ....
An Honourable Member : Don’t worry about history.
Shri Sita Ram S. Jajoo : I have to look into the history certainly, but
let me proceed with my speech just now. When the British Government
brought certain measures which affected the Hindu law, we accepted them
at that time, because they did not touch the purses of the moneyed people—
the capitalists. Here we feel the pinch, because it touches our pockets. We
male members of this House are in a huge majority. I do not wish that
the tyranny of the majority may be imposed on the minority, the female
members of this House. The ladies in the country in general are illiterate;
so we should not exploit them. A big tirade of propaganda is being carried
on that this Bill aims only at one thing and that thing is divorce. All ladies
are persuaded or dissuaded or influenced or canvassed by telling them that
their husbands are going to divorce them after the Hindu Code is passed.
This kind of misinterpretation of the provisions of the Hindu Code is going
on. I want to tell all these people that there will hardly be a single man
who would like to divorce unnecessarily ; similarly, there would hardly be
a single Hindu wife who would like to divorce unnecessarily. There is enough
good reason and sense in the courts, and the judiciary will definitely look
into the whole case and see that justice is meted out. This is all I have
to say.
The Assembly then adjourned till a Quarter to Eleven of the Clock on
Tuesday, the 13th December, 1949.
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 629
HINDU CODE —contd.
*Mr. Deputy Speaker : The House will now proceed with the further
consideration of the Bill to amend and codify certain branches of Hindu law.
Shri Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar (Madras : General): Sir, before dealing
with the different aspects of the Bill as it emerged from the Select
Committee, I should like with your leave to make a few general observations.
I may at once say that I do not belong to the school which is against any
legislative interference or change in matters of Hindu Law. Law by its very
nature cannot be static; it must keep pace with the progresive tendencies
of the age, if it is to be an instrument and measure of social progress. Our
ancients were quite alive to this function of law in society. The Smritis as
well as the great commentaries on the Smritis, bear eloquent testimony to
this function of law in society and the need for changes from time to time.
The commentaries which are treated as authoritative interpretations of law
in different parts of the country merely give concrete expression to the social
tendencies at work at a given time, but in the modern age with duly
constituted Legislatures functioning, no jurist counsel can effect a change
in the law by a mere process of interpretation. This function to some extent
but within a limited sphere has been discharged by the Courts, the highest
tribunals in India and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, during
the last one hundred years or so. It is not, however, the normal function
of Courts to effect a change in the law but only to interpret the law though
in the process of interpretation it may effect imperceptible changes by
distinguishing or extracting principles from previous decisions or from Hindu
law texts.
But by its very nature, judicial function is restricted in its operation.
It cannot be gainsaid that there is also a danger in the Judge consciously
or unconsciously assuming the role of a legislator. A particular Judge
or a Bench might approach the consideration of a question from a
conservative or orthodox point of view, another Judge might utilise his
judicial function for any pet theme of social reform. The judgments
of the highest tribunals in this country as well as those of the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council during its long association with India,
bear witness to the above statement. At the same time, there is no
gainsaying the fact that the decisions of Courts to a large extent have
prepared the ground for legislative intervention. While this need for
* C.A. (Leg.) D., Vol. VI, Part II, 13th December 1949, pp. 510-19.
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legislative intervention is apparent, this Assembly in undertaking any
legislation of this kind cannot altogether ignore certain rooted conceptions
in regard to marriage, family law and rights of succession. Change is
inevitable and is part of the organic law of society, but change does not
mean striking at the roots or foundations of society.
Bearing all these aspects of law reform in mind, I should like this House
to approach the consideration of this Bill. There is no subject in which every
man and woman in this country is interested more than the Bill now under
consideration by the House. That makes it all the more incumbent upon
each one of us, however highly circumstanced or lowly circumstanced, to
tolerate difference of views and to bring to bear a cool and dispassionate
judgment in the larger interests of the wellbeing of the people of this country.
In that sense and to that extent this cannot be treated purely as a Party
measure or as a matter of confidence.
First, with your leave, Sir, I shall take the Chapter relating to marriage
and divorce. While dealing with this Chapter, it is well to remember that
already great inroads have been made into the marriage law by the various
Acts of the Indian Legislature. The latest of such Acts was the Hindu
Marriage (Disabilities Removal) Act of 1946 (Act XXVIII of 1946) by which
it has been enacted that a marriage shall not be invalid by reason only
of the fact that the parties thereto belong to the same Gotra or Pravara
or belong to different castes or subdivisions of castes. The Madras Legislature
has recently made monogamy compulsory and some of the Provincial
Legislatures have already made provisions for divorce. A change has also
been made in regard to the law relating to the age of consent to marriage.
If we approach the consideration of the Bill from this point of view, the
changes effected in the Bill are by no means so revolutionary as they may
seem as first sight. The substantial changes in the provisions of the original
Bill as pointed out by some Members of the Select Committee relate to the
incorporation of certain provisions relating to restitution of conjugal rights,
judicial separation, alimony, custody of children, jurisdiction and procedure
of Courts.
While on the provisions of the Bill, I should like to mention one
important point. The distinction sought to be made between sacramental
marriage and civil marriage is more apparent than real. It is difficult
to follow the provisions of the Bill in this respect, because I find that
in regard to divorce, in regard to restitution of conjugal rights,
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 631
in regard to right of maintenance and obligations of the marriage the
provisions are exactly the same both in regard to what is termed “Civil
Marriage” under the provisions of the Bill and what is termed “Sacramental
Marriage”. The Bill introduces a distinction between what is called “prohibited
degrees” and other kinds of disqualifications in regard to sacramental
marriage. In regard to sacramental marriage, provision is made that sapinda
relationship as defined in the Bill will be a ground for disqualification,
whereas in the case of what is called a “Civil Marriage” it is only prohibited
degrees that are made a ground for the marriage not being effective. At
the same time, I am unable to follow the metamorphosis provided for in
the Bill that even if the parties go through a sacramental marriage, it is
open to either of the spouses to convert it into what is called a “civil marriage”
under the provisions of the Bill. If really this distinction serves any purpose
at all is a point which may be considered by the Hon. the Law Minister
before the final passing of the Bill.
There is no distinction in regard to the rights of offspring, rights of
inheritance, the obligations between the spouses and in every other matter.
The position is exactly the same in regard to a civil marriage as in regard
to a sacramental. Possibly, the idea is to satisfy the sentiments of some
parties by making some provision for what is called “sacramental marriage”
“. If that is the real object, then you ought not to make a provision for
an easy change of sacramental marriage into a civil marriage at a later
stage. Either have the one or the other. If, for example, you want to draw
a distinction between sacramental marriage and civil marriage, have it; let
it be quite clear and definite : Normally, certain ceremonies are indispensable
for sacramental marriage. Certain formalities need not be gone through in
the case of what is called “ civil marriage ”. From the point of view of a
pure lawyer, I fail to see any real distinction between a civil marriage and
a sacramental marriage under the provisions of this Bill. I do not go to
any root ideas of the Bill, but I merely place it for the consideration of the
Hon. the Law Minister.
Then again with regard to prohibited degress of relationship, modern
eugenics is against the idea of people related to one another marrying.
At any rate, there is a large body of opinion in favour of this doctrine.
Under those circumstances, are we advancing or are we retarding progress
so far as this provision is concerned ? At least so far as this part
is concerned, I think our ancients anticipated modern ideas in
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES632
prohibiting certain people from marrying. I ask you : why take
retrograde step in the name of progress and in the name of advanced
ideas and civilisation ? I certainly realise that there need not be any
prohibition in regard to distant sapinda or people who have the same
pravara or the same gotra. But that stands on a different footing
12 NOON
altogether. Where there is near relationship, why relax the
rule ? I have been recently reading in newspapers and periodicals
a good deal of discussion as to the advisability of near relations marrying
one another. This is one aspect which I know the Hon. the Law Minister,
as a student of science and of history, will certainly consider. This is opposed
to the religious sentiments of the people. If scientific ideas, if religious
considerations, if sentiments of the people have all to be taken into
consideration, then there is no point in relaxing that rule. It is not, of course,
consistent with the well being of the society. If in the interests of the future
generation, if in the interests of the well being of our people, if in the
interests of the progress of the race, you must promote marriages between
near relations, by all means do so. Let us take a bold stand ; let us take
a clear stand ; let us take a determined stand in regard that matter. I do
not want any shilly-shallying in regard to what may be regarded as a
question of fundamental principle. Either adopt the ancient principle or adopt
a more rational or modern principle according to your ideas. But personally,
I would very much prefer the old rule being retained. Let me be quite clear.
In regard to particular communities where, for example, certain customs
have been prevalent in some parts of India, you have already provided for
it in another clause. But the general rule should be to prohibit marriage
between sapindas. In this respect, the move is not in the right direction.
With regard to the law of divorce, in trying to bring about a uniformity
of law there is no point, as Sir Tek Chand has pointed out in his
memo, in imposing special restrictions upon communities and classes
of people among whom restrictions do not obtain at present. I know
that in parts of South India divorce by mutual consent in the presence
of the village headman or the Panchayat is still prevalent as in other
parts of North India. After all, it looks as if divorce is to be the
essence of the law of marriage according to a certain school. But must
you think of divorce before you think of the marriage ? If that is
the running idea and if you want to give encouragement or at any
rate provide an easy divorce, why provide for law courts,