Vol. 14, Part I · pages 656–660
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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another land or property. Once you change the law in regard to nonagricultural property, a change in the law in regard to agricultural
property must necessarily follow. Though in the matter of distribution
of legislative power between the Union and the States for taxation
purposes, a distinction is maintained between agricultural and nonagricultural property, it is an accident only that certain power is given
to the provinces and certain power is given to the Centre, and it cannot
be denied that Hindu law of succession is single and entire. Succession
is not a truncated affairs. Succession cannot be split up. Therefore,
when you consider the question, you should consider it in all these
aspects both in regard to agricultural property and in regard to nonagricultural property and you should address yourself to the question
whether in the larger interests of society, the time has come for a
revolutionary change in the family system. I request my hon. Friend,
the Law Minister to consider the question why certain chapters of the
Bill should not be postponed.
Sir, I just want to deal with another aspect of the question namely
the rights of succession of sons and daughters in regard to succession
proper. I have got a special claim to speak on that behalf as I am a
father of both daughters and sons and I repeat that. In fact the majority
is on the woman side, four daughters and three boys. Therefore, I have
a special claim to speak on this subject ( Hear, hear ). Apart from what
little I know as a lawyer, I have a special claim to speak as a father
of daughters and of sons. Now, I want you to look at the general set
up of the Hindu family in dealing with this problem. If three sons find
it difficult, you say, to live together and to own property in common
how can you expect the daughters married to different people, may be
people belonging to different castes or communities to carry on joint
cultivation in villages ? Under those circumstances, is it in the larger
interests of the country, that this property of the father as well as
of the son be divided up equally between sons and daughters without
any question of difference ? If it is a question of justice, if it is a
question of equality, if it is a question of theoretical equality, I have
nothing to say against it, but law is not logical—it does not mean
that it is always illogical—but it has to take into account the
social strata of society, the consciousness of the community, its
effect upon the family life and other factors. Therefore, you have not
a clean slate to write on. Therefore, let us take what happens in a
Hindu family, Mr. Santhanam looks with equanimity from Delhi. If
any marriage takes place in a brother’s house, the sister and the
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daughter occupy the most important part. It is regarded as a father’s
house, the son looks upon the family house as his house. Every one
of us know what an important place the sister and the daughter
occupies in the household. ( Hear, hear ). If the mother and father sit
together for the Aarathi, it is the daughter, it is the sister that brings
it and you give the present to the daughters and the sisters on that
occasion. After all we are all Hindus; you cannot forget that. The very
first person who receives the present will be the sister or the daughter
in the household. The second thing is that no marriage can go through
in any Hindu household unless provision is made for presents being
made to the daughters and to the sisters. Again even though, women
who may not care to bear children may not appreciate it—daughters
of the family are certainly cared for on every occasion such as srimanta
or on occasions of first confinement and second confinement. A girl
generally goes to the father’s house or to the brother’s house and it
is only after getting two or three children that the girl does not go
to the father’s or brother’s house, and this is Hindu life to-day. It is
not the life in Delhi, it is not the life in Calcutta, it is not the life
in Madras that is to be the guiding factor in these matters. It is the
normal ordinary life in every village, in the whole of India, ( Hear, hear ).
Therefore, I would ask you most respectfully the Members of this House,
though I am addressing Mr. Deputy Speaker, to take these factors into
consideration. The Bible said “I shall set father against father, son
against son and brother against brother” or some such thing, but let
not legislation result in a feud between the members of the family,
an unnecessary feud between the members of the family. A certain
amount of bickering, a certain feud is inevitable, so long as property
is there.
Sankara said that property is the soul of strife in our country and
that is inevitable, but let us not give an impetus to it by stating that
I shall set brother against brother, a sister against the brother, the
brother against the sister and in that way mould the family life of
the India at present. The time may come when each daughter may
arrange for her marriage after they attain their maturity. Many of the
girls look to their brothers for their marriage. Hardly a week passes
when a brother or a father does not come and ask for a little help
in regard to a marriage. It may be that I am old-fashioned to consider
such requests, but that is Hindu life. I am supposed to be educated
in English ways of life but what would you think of other people
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who are not so educated as myself? You may be more advanced, I may
be less advanced, but I still claim that I am born of the Indian soil
and my ideas are rooted in the Indian soil, and therefore, I plead for
the retention of these great virtues which have characterized our
Indian life ( Hear, hear ). I do not want to go against the modern trends
of thought or the modern ideas of progress, but at the same time while
it is our duty to keep in touch with the currents of national life, with
the social currents at present working, there is no use our imagining
that we represent the whole of India. I may tell you, even among
educated women, all of them do not think alike and even women who
are in the legislatures do not think alike with some other educated
ladies who are members of respectable households; they differ in some
respects.
Shrimati Renuka Ray (West Bengal : General): Are our households
not respectable ?
Shri Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar : They are very respectable. I am
glad that you have interrupted. I am accustomed and I may tell you
they are quite as respectable, though they might be a little conservative,—as some of those people who are very respectable and who have
advanced ideas in these matters. I have given my views and I certainly
refuse to believe I am not a respectable man; I am at least as respectable
as others, but my ways of life, my way of thinking, my attitude to these
questions is different from those equally respectable because I am cast
in a different mould. For example, I have the greatest respect for our
Prime Minister and on certain questions I yield to him, but at the same
time, I do not look at questions with the same glasses as my hon. friend,
my esteemed friend, if I may call the Prime Minister my very esteemed
friend. It is merely a mode of approach.
The Honourable Shri K. Santhanam (Minister of State for Trnsport
and Railways) : What is your actual proposal ?
Pandit Lakshmi Kanta Maitra : He is giving his proposals in an
excellent way.
Shri Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar : I do not fight shy of that. The
question I have been put is in regard to un-married daughters whether
any kind of special provision may be made either for marriage or
a special portion may be set apart so far as the marriage of girls is
concerned. The law may provide that the daughters will take the heritage
of the mothers and the sons will take the heritage of the fathers.
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So far as daughters are concerned, I am quite willing to and quite
anxious that as liberal and as obligatory, a provision be made for the
girls who are un-married. I have absolutely no difficulty in that matter.
That is my proposal. It may be worth anything, it may not be worth
anything, but that is my proposal.
An Honourable Member : What about the money from the
mother?
Shri Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar : There is no use speaking about
that. You take a census of the people who pay income-tax in this country?
They are not many. This is a poverty stricken country. So there is no
use of saying that that the mother has no property. Many are poor. They
may have no property, but they cannot get away from social obligations.
Those who have property may divide their property, but that may have
repercussions upon the people who have no property, or very little
property, but at the same time who are quite sensitive to the social and
family obligations. Therefore, in any step that you take, you have to see
that the social obligations are not retarded. That is the plea I make so
far as this is concerned. In regard to the institution of joint family
property, I differ from my friend the hon. Dr. Ambedkar. It is seldom
I differ from him. And I am often influenced by him, and have
occasionally influenced him. Therefore, I have no doubt that he will pay
heed to some of the criticisms which those of my persuasion have offered.
He may look obstinate, but there is none who yields to reason more than
my friend Dr. Ambedkar. I know him very well and it has been a great
asset to me, I mean my close acquaintance with him these three years.
Well, that is my view, so far the institution of joint family and the rights
of equal succession of sons and daughters is concerned.
The next aspect is with regard to Stridhana property, and on that,
in so far as you remove all restrictions on the power of alienation,
I am at one with the House, that is with the other Members of the
House. This has merely led to unnecessary litigation, the reversionary
filing suits for the declaration that alienations by the widow are invalid,
going to this court and that court, and all sorts of evidence being let
in. If only in the interest of unnecessary litigation being avoided, I
am for the widow being given absolute powers of disposition during
her life-time. But from that it does not necessarily follow that the
course of devolution must be the same with regard to every kind of
Stridhanam property. You call it Stridhanam and then begin to attach
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certain consequences in the matter of succession. Once you make it
absolute property, why not it descend to the heirs? That is the
question. I am willing to put the question to ninety nine Hindus I
meet, “Here is a property devolving uopn the widow from her
husband. It is absolute property, and after her death it is to go to
her father and mother, in preference to the father and mother of the
man whose property has devolved upon the widow.” I put that
question. You may take a referendum in any part of the country and
I am quite clear what the result of that referendum will be. And
I challenge any Member to say in this House that the referendum
will be other than what I feel. Therefore, as a lawyer, if you put
me the question, can you have two kinds of absolute properties, one
kind descending in one way and another kind descending in another
way, and ask me, why not in the interest of uniformity, give the same
rule of succession for one kind of property and the other kind of
property? Then I say that you need not sacrifice social sentiments
at the alter of logicality. Law need not always be logical. Law need
not necessarily be Logical. Logic is not the essence of law.
The Honourable Shri K. Santhanam : Should law be generally
illogical?
Shri Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar : My answer to my friend
Mr. Santhanam is that law need not necessarily be logical. That is so
because law is the product of social evolution and social adjustment, and
therefore, how can it always be logical? Society does not move according
to a particular standard or plan. Unfortunately, society, except in a
communistic society, does not move in that way. Therefore, under these
circumstances, you take the average sentiment of the Hindu into
consideration. There is no use of saying that it is illogical to draw a
distinction between one kind of stridhana and another. Why should the
Stridhana be allowed again to go to the husband’s kindred? Why not
it go to her heirs? In the very Bill that is the provision that is made.
Therefore, so far as woman’s property is concerned, I think that is a
point which may receive the consideration of the hon. Law Minister,
before the Bill becomes law, consistent with the sentiments and the
general feeling among the people. Until recently the widow did not have
the power of disposition. The question is whether on the theory that each
person when he inherits property, he or she must become the stock of
descent, inherited property of every description must be treated alike.
That is my plea with regard to woman’s property. Throughout I have
refrained from resting on logic.