Vol. 14, Part I · pages 696–700
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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aghast, half angry and half surprised. “What do you mean ?” he asked.
I said, “I mean what I say, she never married you.” “Why ?” “She has
married this, electricity, this motor-car that is in this house.” The story
is that the girl had said to her father “I don’t care to whom you marry
me, provided there is electricity and motor-car in their house.” The poor
girl of sixteen or eighteen, how could she judge of things and conditions ?
She simply thinks, “I have been brought up in this house by my father,
he gets twenty thousand rupees a year and there is electricity here, there
is a motor-car, and a palatial house. I should like to have the same
conditions there also.” That is all. But the English mother always
complains that her daughter does not “make good”, that is the
expression,“My daughter does not make good” she says. That is, “My
daughter is not able to keep a bevy of young men round about her,
dancing attendance on her, standing her bills at the cinemas and
restaurants and so on.” That is what the mother wants. Don’t nod our
head that way please. What I say is true.
Pandit Lakshmi Kanta Maitra : I am supporting you.
Dr. B. Pattabhi Sitaramayya : Not you, but the friend behind you.
Shri R. K. Sidhva : Are you referring to me ?
Dr. B. Pattabhi Sitaramayya : No, to your neighbour.
What happens in England ? The mother is always anxious that her
daughter should be able to attract the attention of half-a-dozen suitors,
and it is then for the parents to select one out of them to make an eligible
choice for a son-in-law. But the mother always feels jealous of the maidservant, because the maid-servant is able to make good, while her
daughter is not able to. That is the tragedy. What does the maid-servant
do ? At eight o’clock in the evening she changes her apron and gets into
her clean smart gown and goes away. “Where are you going ?” “My lover
is waiting outside, and I must go” “No, no, my son-in-law is coming now.”
“Hang yourself and your son-in-law by the nearest tree. My lover is
waiting and I am going.”
Shrimati Renuka Ray : You have, a very poor opinion of women,
whether Indian or foreign.
Dr. B. Pattabhi Sitaramayya : But I have a very high opinion of
my wife.
Now then, the mother complains that “that woman is able to make
good and attract a number of men, but this daughter of mine is not
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able to attract them.” And so the mother is sorry. That is the fashion.
That is the custom of the country. That is the order of the day. And
there is nothing wrong in it. That is the system which has come into
being. Go to Malbar and see the Marumakkattayam system. That is an
altogether different thing. For three years you may study it and still
you will never understand its secret. But it is a beautiful system, and
my friend Mr. Thanu Pillai was against changing it at all.
Sir, your predecessor gave my predecessor twenty minutes after the
bell. But I will take only two minutes more.
Now it is not too late to mend. We have not gone too far. It is well
that we have discussed this matter, and discussed it seriously, so
thoroughly and so sombrely. We have given so much attention to this
subject. Now what shall we do ? Shall we proceed with the measure ?
I appeal to the hon. the Law Minister to withdraw it and then put it
up—and a more stringent measure next time—, with due authority and
sanction from the electroate. Then I say no man dares attack us. He
will be summarily shot, because I will have the sanction of the country,
I will have the election manifesto ; I will come armed with that power,
that strength and I will have a right to do it. Now you come without
authority. You simply depend upon four women police for your protection.
That is a pathetic sight for one, for any progressive Congressman to
witness.
Then again, there is another thing. I trust and hope that whatever
may happen—and I hope that the Bill will not be proceeded with— but
if it should be proceeded with, I feel that full freedom may be given
to every Member of this Assembly to vote as he pleases. If that is given,
half the sting is taken away. But we have already fallen into the trap
of allowing this thing to go on. Now, friends, let me warn you. This will
have a serious repercussion upon our coming election. After all ... .
Shri Mahavir Tyagi : Postpone elections for another five years.
Dr. B. Pattabhi Sitaramayya : After all, remember that we are
here as the representatives of the people and after all, remember that
ninety per cent, of the people belong to one community, bound by
one social law and one civic institution, one patriarchal system, all
this is there, and people are not so intelligent as to discriminate between
one thing and the other. They only feel irritated. They are already
irritated by more than one circumstance. Yesterday’s demonstration
was not so much a protest against the Hindu Code Bill as an expression
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of a certain sullenness and anger of the people with the Congress and
Congress institutions. It is no use our concealing it, Wherever I go I
feel I am assailed and attacked. But through my garrulity, my longwindedness, through my talkativeness I manage to get over the thing.
But at the same time, I know on what delicate ground I am travelling.
I speak not merely as a critic of the Government, but as a responsible
member of the Congress who has given cent. per cent. support on all
occasions to this Government. I say however that he is not a well-wisher
who simply flatters, or conceals the truth from the Government. Perhaps
you remember that last spectacle—not a scene in Hamlet—a scene in
the drama of Germany where the Kaiser on the 9th November 1918
summoned all his generals and asked them to speak. Nobody would
speak, they were all silent. Then he said, the Kaiser orders you to speak,
and then Gen. Ludendroff spoke for when the Kaiser orders, and if he
did not speak, he would shot. Just as when Queen Victoria asked Prince
Albert to open the door. She said, “Dear, open the door” but the door
does not open. Then she says, “The Queen of England orders you to open
the door” and then the poor fellow came and opened the door. So it was
with the Kaiser, and Ludendroff said, “Your Majesty, there are only
twenty-four hours for you to escape across to Holland.” Then the Kaiser
asked, “Why ?” “Why ? because the army would not fight”. The Kaiser
said, “I will lead the army myself.” But the army would not fight and
in twenty-four hours this man was transferred. When an unpleasant
truth is said, please listen to it, because there is in it nothing but the
best wishes for our conjoint prosperity and success. If not on principle,
if not on sound morality, at least on expediency please reconsider the
position and make it possible for the people to go along with you.
*Acharya J. B. Kripalani (U. P. : General): Sir, in some quarters
here is an apprehension that I may talk against the policy of the
Government. Though I have spoken in this house only once, yet this
apprehension exists in some quarters and I want to allay that
apprehension. I stand here to support the broad principles of the Bill.
I do so because I do not want this Government to resign upon a side
issue, upon a social issue. I want it to resign on more substantial,
political and economic issues. I would rather want it to resign, for
example, as any other Government in a more democratic country would
have resigned, on the issue of the sugar muddle, by which infants
*C.A. (Leg.) D., Vol. VI, Part II, 13th December 1949, pp. 552-58.
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of the poor could not get sugar but tons could be had by those who were
prepared to pay fancy prices. On such issues, if this Government goes,
there will be no regret but I do not want it to resign upon a social side
issue . . .
An Honourable Member : Sugar is not more important than this
measure.
Acharya J. B. Kripalani : Yet it is not as sweet.
Even then I would not have come to support this Bill but for the
pressure that I had from quarters from which I could not resist such
pressure. I was told at home that I must support this Bill. I said that
I was innocent of a knowledge of the Hindu law, that Hindu law ran
into volumes and there were many volumes of commentary and how could
I support or oppose a thing which I had not understood. Then I was
quickly told “ I can make you to understand it.”
An Honourable Member : Who was your teacher ?
Acharya J. B. Kripalani : So I submitted myself to a few curtainlectures. I was assured that my teacher had been instructed by the
highest authority in this Assembly, the great Dr. Ambedkar himself.
After the curtain-lectures were over I was just as wise or as foolish as
I was after my teachers in school or college had instructed me. I came
to the conclusion that my teachers were more foolish than myself.
When I was a professor I thought the students would pay me the same
compliment. Knowing that, when I entered the class I always said
“Gentlemen, your presence is assured and after I have marked the roll
call you are free to go, because I know you will not give me more credit
for my learning than I gave to my teachers.”
Sir, I am pledged to support the Bill and I must support it, because
I know that even though my wife may be absent, when she comes back
she will not only take financial but moral and intellectual accounts from
me.
For me, Sir, it is not a question of religion in danger : it is a question
of my home in danger. Much has been said about Hindu religion being
in danger. I am afraid I cannot see the point. Hindu religion is not
in danger when Hindus are thieves, rogues, fornicators, black-marketers
or takers of bribes! Hindu religion is not endangered by these people
but Hindu religion is endangered by people who want to reform a
particular law! May be they are over-zealous but it is better to be
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over-zealous in things idealistic than be corrupt in material things. It
is this mentality of ours that brought about the death of the Father of
the Nation. It was supposed that the murderer was a better Hindu than
the person who lived according to the highest ideals preached in the
Gita and in the Upanishads and whose life was lived in the light of the
teachings of our scriptures. I would wish the Hindu community to divest
itself of such false notions about their religion. Our religion was not made
by murderers and thieves; it was made by Sadhus, Sanyasis and
Mahatmas.
Yet, there is the other side of the question. A great deal of confusion
has been caused, for one party says that religion is in danger and another
party says that the modern religion of progress is in danger. If you do
not support the Bill you are a reactionary.
I will tell you how I was converted to support the Bill. One reason
I have already told you. Another reason I will give you now.
There was a woman and she whispered to another woman “Kripalani
won’t support the Bill : he is a reactionary.”
Shri B. L. Sondhi : Were they both members of this house ?
Acharya J. B. Kripalani : They were hon. Members, not members.
She in confidence told me “I protested and I said Kripalani is progressive.” So I was put on my honour. You see what subtle kind of propaganda
goes on. One woman tells something to another woman in confidence
and she brings the story to me. Now how am I going to act ? I cannot
consider myself reactionary and not progressive : I may be called a nonHindu but for a modern man not to be modern is a greater stigma than
to be without religion. I may not believe in God, but how can I not believe
in the God of progress as is in the West ?
I will also tell you why the first woman said that I was a
reactionary—it is a very interesting story—but only if you promise
not to interrupt me by your laughter. I happened to be the Chairman
of the Fundamental Rights Committee. In the Fundamental Rights
Committee the proposition brought forward was that it should be the
fundamental right of women not to be in purdah. Of course I am
in favour of all women going without purdah—and what male will
not. I admire those people who would not, but I am not one of those
admirable people. I said that I have no objection to this clause going
in the Fundamental rights, provided that all purdah disappears—the
ancient purdah and the modern purdah. Take a round in the City of