Vol. 14, Part II · pages 11–15
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL
HINDU CODE— contd.
Clause by Clause Discussion
*Mr. Speaker: The House will now proceed with the further
consideration of the Bill to amend and codify certain branches of
the Hindu Law, as reported by the Select Committee.
Shri R. K. Chaudhari (Assam): Sir, before the Hon. Law Minister
proceeds with his Bill, may I make a most humble suggestion and
it is this : either we finish the more important and shorter Bills in
the agenda, and then take up the Hindu Code Bill and finish it,
or let it be understood that the Hindu Code Bill will be considered
from now and until the Hindu Code Bill is finished no other Bill
will be taken up. Either of the two courses must be adopted. It
seems that some people who are very much in favour of the Hindu
Code Bill think that they are merely playing with time by taking
up this Bill, considering it for a short period up to one stage, and
then putting it off further for a longer spell of time. That is rather
unfair to everybody concerned. Therefore, my first respectful request
is this. Let us finish these shorter and more important Bills, as for
instance, the Preventive Detention Bill. Under that Act, a number
of persons who were arrested, were released under the orders of the
High Courts. They have again been re-arrested and the whole thing
has been held up in expectation of a more comprehensive Bill which
was promised by Government. I submit, Sir, that, in the interests
of law and order and also in view of the fact that justice should
be allowed to run undeterred, we must finish the most important
legislation, namely, the Preventive Detention Bill first, then the
Employers’ Liability Bill, and then sit down on the Hindu Code and
finish it altogether. I hope my suggestion would be acceptable to the
Hon. Law Minister.
Mr. Speaker : Is this suggestion acceptable to the Hon. Minister ?
The Minister of Law (Dr. Ambedkar): No. Sir.
Mr. Speaker : So, we will proceed with the further consideration
of the Hindu Code Bill.
Shri Naziruddin Ahmad (West Bengal): Sir, I have a point of
order. The Hindu Code Bill is before the House for a very long time.
* Parliamentary Debates (Hereinafter called as P.D.), Vol. VIII, Part II, 5th February
1951, pp. 2356-77.
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792 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Meanwhile, some important things have taken place, namely, that the
Constitution has been passed and a large number of Acts and sections
have been declared to be ultra vires of the Constitution. The present
Bill would seem to offend against certain definite provisions of the
Constitution. We have enacted so many things in the Constitution that
I was amazed to find that many relevant Acts are declared ultra vires
There are two provisions in the Constitution : One is that legislation
should not be discriminatory. This is enacted in article 15 ; clause (1)
of that article says :
“The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds
only of religion, race, caste, sex . . . .”
I submit that the Bill is confined to Hindus. Within that expression
‘Hindus’, large number of classes who would not be ordinarily
Hindus are attempted to be brought. Even apart from that, there
are large classes who will be outside this Bill. I submit that there
is discrimination between different castes and persons following
different religions. The words ‘only of religion’ do not seem to make
any difference. There is discrimination between different sections of
our citizens on the ground of religion. The phrase ‘only of religion’
does not mean much, for I find there is no other reason why there is
difference between the different religious sects, except on grounds of
religion. That is one thing.
The second article which I would like to submit for the consideration
of the house is . . . .
Shri Tyagi (Uttar Pradesh): May I point out, Sir, that last time
when we adjourned, it was decided and all agreed,—he was also a
party—that no dilatory motions will be made.
Mr. Speaker : Order, order. He is not making any motion. He is
only raising a point of order, according to him.
Shri Naziruddin Ahmad : I shall be very brief, Sir.
Shri B. Das (Orissa) : But, he is making a long speech.
Shri Naziruddin Ahmad : The other article to which I would like
to refer is 25(1). It says :
“Subject to public order, morality and health………” which do not
mean . . . .
Shrimati Durgabai (Madras) : In the name of raising a point of
order, is the hon. Member allowed to argue the question on the merits
of the case ?
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL
Mr. Speaker : He is arguing and he is entitled to argue ; let us not
be impatient with the people who differ.
Shri Sonavane (Bombay) : What is his point of order ?
Mr. Speaker : The hon. Member should hear what he is saying.
Shri Sonavane : Is he allowed to argue it ?
Mr. Speaker : I cannot stop a Member, unless I know what he is
going to speak, and I cannot know that unless he speaks out. So in
order to know what the hon. Member is going to say. I must hear him,
and that is the only democratic way in which we can go on.
Shrimati Durgabai : But, will he be allowed to refer to certain
clauses of the Bill?
Mr. Speaker : The hon. Member knows that every person who wishes
to argue his case is at liberty to speak ; of course, if I find an hon.
Member is abusing the liberty or is repeating himself I shall certainly
stop him.
Shri Raj Bahadur (Rajasthan) : Sir, I would like to know by way of
a ruling from you whether the hon. Member can use such derogatory
terms as he did, when referring to certain provisions of the Constitution.
He said that “subject to public morality, health, etc.” are meaningless
terms. Can he make such observations ?
Shri R. K. Chaudhari : Sir, I submit that when a point of order is
raised and when the Speaker is listening to that point of order, there
should be no interruptions from any hon. Member.
Mr. Speaker : Order, order.
Shri Naziruddin Ahmed : I submitted that the words in clause
(1) of article 25—“Subject to public order, morality and health” do not
really mean anything serious. I think they are the usual dreamy kind
of safeguards which have no legal significance. The article further says :
“... all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the
right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion.”
With regard to the subject of marriage, it is considered by all devout
Hindus that marriage is part of their religious profession and practice.
So far as I know, a Hindu thinks of marriage as part of his religion,
and if a man has no son, he, it is believed, goes to a particular region
in hell.
Shri Tyagi : Order, order, I have no son.
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794 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Mr. Speaker : Will the hon. member resume his seat ? Order, order.
I want the hon. Member not to interrupt.
Shri Naziruddin Ahmad : In order to ensure against a particular
kind of hell, the man should have a son, and in order to have that,
he must marry. That is one of the ten samskaras of a Hindu. It is a
religious practice, and in order, to have son, a man can have one wife
or more than one. Therefore. I submit that this provision curtails the
Fundamental Right given in article 25(1). I am not raising a point which
is only of academic interest, for this clause has been utilized by the
Bombay High Court recently in declaring a certain Act—Prevention of
Bigamous Marriages Act—to be ultra vires.
Dr. Ambedkar : By the Bombay High Court ? I am sure that is not
correct. It was probably some magistrate.
Shri Naziruddin Ahmad : The question before us is whether some
of the provisions relating to marriage may not be ultra vires of the
Constitution. There is also the ground of discrimination, in view of article
15(1) of the Constitution. There are numerous other articles detailing
with minor aspects of the question, but I think, these two would suffice
for the time being. I am well aware of the principle that the Speaker
cannot rule out a point because the legality of it is doubtful. But these
are real stumbling blocks and I would request you, Sir, to consider the
legality of the Bills. As we all know, a large number of Acts and sections
have been declared ultra vires. Even at the time the Constitution was
passed, objections were raised that these might be declared ultra vires.
We have enacted these Fundamental Rights and anything inconsistent
with them; to the extent of that inconsistency, would be null and void.
There is no way out of it. If there is any law, any Act, which is in any
way inconsistent with these articles, those laws or Acts, to the extent of
that inconsistency, shall be void. That is the serious question before us
now. Should we pass an enactment which would be declared null and
void ? Should we not reconsider the Bill in view of the structure of the
Constitution which we have chosen to give to ourselves ?
Sir, these are some of the matters which I venture to submit for your
consideration.
Mr. Speaker: I do not think I need go in detail over the serious
points raised by the hon. Member, Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad. The short
answer which I can give to whatever he has stated is this. What he
urges now may be true in respect of some of the provisions at the
most, not all the provisions. And the proper procedure and time to
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL
deal with them would be when the particular provision which he thinks
contravenes the Constitution, comes up for consideration, not till then,
because to say all the provisions are of that type, and therefore there
should be no consideration of the Bill, would be going too far.
That is the short way in which I can dispose of all the objections
which the hon. Member has urged. This does not mean that I agree
with his view. But assuming that his view is correct, still the proper
time would be when the relevant clause comes up for consideration.
This House is perfectly competent to add to, or substract from the
Bill as presented to the House, if the House comes to the conclusion
that a particular provision is not proper or offends against the
Constitution. But it cannot be decided by the Chair just at the very
beginning.
I do not think I need go into the merits of the arguments as to
how far there is really any discrimination or how far marriage is
really a question of religion and so on and so forth.
I think we shall now proceed with the bill, clause by clause.
Clause 2 —(Application of Code)
Pandit M. B. Bhargava (Ajmer) : I have got an amendment
standing in my name, proposing the insertion of a new clause 2,
after clause 1.
Mr. Speaker : Yes, that is right. The hon. Member may move it
now.
Shri Tyagi : Sir, before that, may I refer to a ruling you gave
once, and to the ruling which you gave just now ? Once when I raised
a point about a Bill being declared ultra vires, the ruling was that
it was for the Courts to decide whether it was ultra vires and that
it was not within the purview of the Chair. Sir, do you hold to that
view now or will you use discretion in declaring certain clauses ultra
vires or otherwise of the Constitution ?
Mr. Speaker : I do not think I have yet any grounds for changing
my view. If however, grounds are shown. I may reconsider the matter.
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava (Punjab): Sir, ordinarily clause 1 is
taken after all the clauses are finished. In regard to the Hindu Code
I find from the amendments to clause 1 that some of them involve
questions of a very substantive nature. They relate to applicability
of the Code in certain States. Many amendments to clause 1 have
been put on the order paper and may I request you kindly to consider
whether it would be possible to take up clause 1 first ?