Vol. 14, Part II · pages 166–170
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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946 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
So far as inheritance is concerned I am not in favour of allowing the
daughter any share after her marriage in the father’s property. But if
she is unmarried she must be allowed the same as her brother. That
is an amendment which would meet the viewpoint of my learned friend
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava.
In conclusion, I would say that so far as the opposition to the Bill is
concerned it has made out of certain political considerations also. The
elections are looming large on the horizon and people consider any stick
good enough to beat the Congress with. People outside the Congress are
trying to whip up passion against the measure just because the elections
are coming. They want to use it as a weapon in the election fight. It
is therefore meet and proper that we should consider each provision of
the Bill as coolly as possible, thrash out every issue threadbare, so that
people may be able to see the Code in the proper light without the mist
that now surrounds it. It is obvious that when we come to the clause
by clause discussion, most of the superstitions and suspicions will be
removed and controversial matters may be settled by mutual agreement
and nothing will be there which will offend public conscience and public
morality.
With these words, Sir, I oppose the amendments moved and support
the clause
[mr. Deputy-Speaker in the Chair.]
Seth Govind Das (Madhya Pradesh) : First of all I want to say that
it would have been very good if……
Shri Hussain Imam (Bihar) : On a point of information, Sir; Will
the Hon. Minister of Works, Production and Supply, who is now here,
tell the House about the tragedy of the Delhi clock tower ? The Delhi
clock tower has fallen.
Some Hon. Members : This is not the time.
Seth Govind Das : You can ask that after the speech, not in the
middle of it.
Mr. Deputy Speaker : It is possible some hon. Members are anxious
to know what has happened. If the Hon. Minister has any statement to
make he may do so after Seth Govind Das concludes his speech and we
shall have an opportunity of having more information about the tragedy.
The Minister of Works, Production and Supply (Shri
Gadgil) : I have learnt about it only an hour ago. Secondly, I am not
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administratively responsible for what has happened in Delhi.
The property known as the clock tower is managed by the Delhi
Administration and probably by the Delhi Municipal Committee.
But if it is the desire of the House that it should know some facts
I shall try to contact the proper authority and at about five I may
be able to give some information.
Mr. Deputy Speaker : Yes. The hon. Member may continue his
speech.
*Seth Govind Das : * (English translation of the Hindi speech)
Sir, I was submitting that it would have been very good if the Hon.
Minister has not introduced this Bill at the present time. When I
say this, it should not be inferred that I want to stick to the old
customs or want to follow all that is given in our Smrities and
Vedas. I have some knowledge of Sanskrit and I love my Indian
culture, therefore, as far as Smrities and Vedas are concerned,
they are not of the same opinion on every subject. If one Veda or
Smriti says one thing regarding a particular subject another veda
or Smriti says another thing regarding the same. We have always
been lover of knowledge. Knowledge has always been given first
place in our history and culture. We have admitted the fact that
Kalabheden dharma bhedah i.e. Religion changes according to times.
I admit that we need reforms and reforms should also be brought
about through legislations. I remember the days when Raja Ram
Mohan Ray pleaded the case for the abolition of sati. Even in those
days there were people in the country who were in favour of Sati
custom. I also remember those days when Iswarchandra Vidyasagar
advocated the cause of widow remarriage and it was strongly
opposed. Enough has been said regarding Sharda Act. I admit that
child marriages have been prevented to a large extent due to the
Sharda Act and to a greater extent this Sharda Act has tried to put
an end to this bad custom of ours. Therefore, I admit that we have
always been rational in our outlook. We should not follow the Vedas
and Smrities blindly and we need laws to reform our society. But I
could not understand one thing which our Minister said yesterday.
He laughed at those persons who suggested that this Bill should be
made applicable to the entire society as a whole. If we want to get
our different societies knit in such a way, if we want to create such
a society where there should be no class or caste distinction or so
much difference as at present, then I submit that we need such a law
* P. D., Vol. VII, Part II, 7th February 1951, pp. 2545-49.
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948 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
which may be applicable to the entire society without any distinction.
Yesterday, the Hon. Minister made certain observations which in my
opinion do not befit him, it is just possible that I may be wrong. I
thought that he became somewhat irritated and lost his temper or
he felt that we were putting obstruction in the passage of the Bill.
But this is not the thing. This is the opinion of the most of the
people, and I am one of them, that it would have been far better
had this law been made applicable to the entire society without
distinction. According to the Hon. Minister, it will be a matter of
great pleasure if such a Bill could be introduced within two days.
It will be very good if this Bill could be got passed within half an
hour. It was not a good thing for our Hon. Minister, holding such a
responsible post, to laugh at those people who hold different opinions
than what he holds. It has been clearly stated in our Constitution,
it may not be in the chapter relating to fundamental rights but it
is in the preamble chapter:
“That State shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform Civil
Code throughout the territory of India.”
It has been clearly stated in our Constitution. The Bill which has
been presented before us today is opposed to this clause. We have
suffered a lot as a result of this class and caste distinctions. After
attaining independence, we framed our Constitution and this is the
first social Bill which has been presented before us after the passing
of the Constitution. We should have incorporated some of the ideals
in this social Bill and that could have been easily done., if only this
was to be applied to the entire society. If some clauses of this Bill
are deleted and the good ones selected then a Bill could be prepared
which could be applied to the entire society as a whole. Then, the
people who are opposing this Bill today would not have done so.
There is one thing more and which is quite apparent. There are
many good things in this Bill as well. I would rather say that it
abounds in good things and the points of disagreement are very few.
There is one important point in the fundamental things, which have
been laid down in this Bill. One of the disputed points is that women
should also be given the right of succession to property. It is easy to say
a thing as my friend Shri Syamanandan Sahaya has done, I hold him
in great esteem, by declaring that we already treat women as masters
of our household. I would like to tell him that that is akin to the
maxim “the safe is yours but let the keys remain with me.” We have
seen and are aware of the consequence’s resulting from non-existence
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of the rights of women to property. We know of the lives that many
women had to lead. Will Shri Syamanandan Sahaya or those who
are of his opinion deny the fact that many a chaste and respectable
women belonging to wealthy families had to lose their prestige and
status on account of having been left without property ? As far as I am
concerned, I have, therefore, no difference of opinion about women’s
right of succession to property. The question is whether they should
obtain share in the father’s property or in the father-in-law’s.
Giani G. S. Musafir (Punjab) : There is no objection to father-inlaw’s.
Seth Govind Das : So this is a big question. Today our system of
marriage is such that the woman goes to her husband’s place. There
was also a time when there existed no system of marriage in the
society. The story of Uddalak and Shwetketu in the Mahabharata
clearly shows that there was a time when no marriage were held.
Then came a period of matriarchy, where the husband used to go to
the wife’s place and the female child among their children inherited
the property. That system still prevails in some places, in Malabar
for example. Then the period of patriarchy came. Most of our social
structure today comprises of patriarchy, not matriarchy, and how far
would it be proper to make a woman inheritor of father’s ‘property
in such society is a controversial matter. I would like to impress that
so far as the women’s right of succession to property is concerned
that must be there, but that should exist in such a manner that an
unmarried woman should be entitled to it at her father’s place and
a married one at her husband’s.
There are also some other clauses of this Bill about which there
may be a difference of opinion. So far as this Bill is concerned.
It incorporates two things. First, various existing laws have been
emalgamated. Secondly, some clauses for the purpose of social reform
have been added. As I had just said, it would have been in the fitness
of things had this Bill not come up. When our President Dr. Rajendra
Prasad was the President of the Congress, he had pleaded for not
presenting such a Bill and so according to him it had better not come
up. But now it has been carried so far that if it is withdrawn at this
juncture, various interpretations shall be forthcoming for that. The
next election is before the people. I do not give very much importance
to the elections and believe that the Congress is not so ineffectual that
if the present Bill is passed and people are told that the Congress has
done it, the Congress Party would be defeated. But if the Congress
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is such a trifle that it can thus be defeated. I would say that the
earlier it is defeated the better. So I differ from those who keep
the elections before them and proceed with that point in view.
I have recollections of 1923 and 1926 when the Swarajya Party
went to polls for the first time. I was a candidate for the Central
Assembly from the Zamindar party and it was being said that the
Congress and zamindars were far apart, that zamindars would not
vote with the Congress; but still nobody contested my seat. After
that I stood again for the Council of State in 1925 and then too
it was doubted whether the voters of the Council of State would
vote for the Congress. Sir Manekji Dadabhai and Sir Hari Singh
Gour opposed me, but I got three-fourth of the votes. Therefore,
I do not consider the Congress to be a touch-me-not institution
which may wane into a defeat if we pass such a Bill, which thought
may continue to give us a constant fear of elections. I am of the
opinion that if we are in favour of this Bill and if our leader, our
Prime Minister, considers that it should be passed, it would be a
mistake for us not to pass it for fear of elections. It is a different
thing if we do not want to pass it. But if we do not pass it for
fear of elections, there would be nothing worse than that. And I
would say a word to those also who would not like to see it go
through for fear of elections. If the Bill is not passed now, they
shall find people saying that if the Congressmen were returned
they would do such things as were not there even in the Bill.
Such horrid pictures would be drawn before the people the like
of which we cannot even imagine today. So we have not to deal
with this Bill for consideration or fear of election. We have to deal
with it on its merits. In this connection, I would reiterate before
the Hon Minister what I have just said, namely, that the Bill has
two parts—one of amalgamation and the other of social reforms.
We are utterly opposed to many provisions of social reforms. I
want that under the prevailing circumstances in the country all
such provisions should be left out because their incorporation is
inopportune. Things over which there is divergence of opinion should
be excluded and those of amalgamation may be taken up. I make
considerable distinction between these two things and wish the
Hon. Minister to give sufficient heed to this suggestion of mine.
I want that so far as amalgamation is concerned we should take
that up as also the provisions with which we are not at variance
and these provisions may be passed. Those provisions that are
controversial and with regard to which there is going on a campaign