Vol. 14, Part II · pages 246–250
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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1026 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
The idea has been pressed that we should not have divorce ; that our
marriages are sacramental, as Dr. Deshmukh said just now, from olden
days we read in our Smritis (Parasara and Narad ) that under certain
conditions divorce was accepted. In the Hindu Code today we have tried
to maintain the sanctity of marriage and the welfare of the parties. The
framers have provided prior remedies for avoiding the extreme step of
seeking divorce and those are restitution of conjugal rights and judicial
separation. Therefore, divorce is not very easy. In Baroda the Divorce
Act was passed in 1937, and in the analysis taken in the year 1939
the cases of divorce and judicial separation were 42 in number. Out
of these, eleven were due to cruetly ; two due to desertion and cruelty,
seven due to desertion by husband ; one due to desertion by wife ; six
due to cruelty and habitual drunkenness of husband and marrying a
second time. These cases show that divorces are not very easy. Only
under special conditions divorces are granted.
Also we know that divorces are prevalent in the lower classes. Only
in the upper classes this Code seeks to introduce this change. Yesterday,
Dr. Mookerjee raised the cry of ‘religion in danger’. I would ask him
whether beating of one’s wife is considered to be religious. A woman
filed a suit in one of the courts in Madras for assault by her husband.
And the learned judge gave a judgement that beating the wife is allowed
in Hindu Law. So, may I ask him whether such cruel customs can be
called religious ? Religion is always personal contact with God.
“bZ'oj% loZHkwrkuka âís'kstqZu fr"Vfr ”
[O Arjun ! God lives in the hearts of all living beings.]
It is not by passing particular laws that religion can be in danger. As
I said Hindu religion is a vast ocean where changes take place now and
again and we have accepted these changes. That is why our structure
of Hindu religion has lasted for such a long time. May I also draw your
attention to the necessity of changes in Hindu structure. I would say
that at present our law is one-sided. We do not give any relief to our
women. We have our National Planning commission which wants to plan
on the present structure. I would say that unless the social structure is
changed, it is no use planning on that body which is rotten. I would in
this connection like to make some suggessions for improvement in our
society. In a planned society woman’s place shall be equal to that of
man: equal status, equal opportunities and equal responsibilities shall
be the guiding principle to regulate the status of woman, whatever the
basis of society in the plan. Woman shall not be excluded from any
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL
sphere of work, merely on the ground of her sex. Marriage shall
not be a condition precedent to the enjoyment of full and equal
civic status and social and economic rights by woman.
May I ask whether at present the status of woman is such, so
that we can plan properly in the present society. Family life and
organisation and woman’s enjoyment of a share in the property are
very necessary. Marriage and succession laws governing these are
also necessary and that is why I feel that unless some change is
made in our present Hindu Law, I do not think it would be possible
to build on the structure that we find at present.
The Women’s Conferences have always asked for a common Code.
We are also in favour of a common Code. We are not asking that
special privileges should be given to only Hindu women. We all
know that at present our women are suffering and are backward.
Parsi, Christian and Muslim women are far ahead of Hindu Women
in this respect and that is why at present we are supporting this
Hindu Code. As I said earlier, if we make this Hindu Code an
ideal one, the other communities also will have no objection in
accepting our Code.
Dr. Deshmukh said that many women have resigned from the
All-India Women’s Conference on this question. On the contrary I
would say that in our Conference we have from the very beginning,
asking for these changes and it was due to our request that so
many pieces of legislation on marriage, right of women to property,
etc., were introduced. In Bombay when Dr. Deshmukh of Bombay
wanted to bring the bill on giving property rights to widows, we
requested him not to hurry with this measure, but to wait so that
it may include properties for daughters as well as adoption and
other clauses. At that time he told us that he would like to hurry
with the measure and that he would bring other reforms also.
Therefore, these reforms are due for a long time and it cannot be
said that we have not taken public opinion. Even this Hindu Code,
as you know, is before the public for the last ten years and it is
no use saying that public opinion has not been sounded. I think
enough public opinion has been created and it is very wrong to say
that very few women are supporting this measure. We have had
many public meetings in various places and women from all over
India are supporting this measure. On behalf of women I give my
whole-hearted support to this Hindu Code.
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1028 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
* The Minister of Works, Production and Supply (Shri
Gadgil) : I heard the speech of my hon. friend Dr. Syama Prasad
Mookerjee with great attention. I should say that it was not entirely
unhelpful. He said two things which appealed to me. One was that
in the matter of social reform we should carry public opinion to
the largest possible extent. Secondly he said that this was not a
matter of politics, this was a matter in which every citizen of this
country was interested irrespective of his or her political views.
Because of these two things, I am somewhat optimistic and I am
certain that if we are able to create in this House an atmosphere
of give and take and of compromise we will be able to put on the
statute book something about which individually and collectively
we may be proud of.
Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee praised the Hindu culture and
called it dynamic. I share that view. It is because Hindu culture
has the genius of adaptation to circumstances, it is because that
it is responsive to new trends that it has survived and it has
been the pride and glory of us all. Today there is a greater need
for the leaders of thought to consider how we shall attempt to
progress further and how we shall bring the law in line with public
morality. The old ways may not be effective in the modern times and
therefore it behoves us that we must also have to resort to modern
methods. There is no dispute about the fact that there are certain
evils; although I am a good Hindu and I will yield to none in my
admiration for Hindu culture, still I am not blind to the faults which
have crept in our life as a community. By adopting a Constitution
with the objective of equality of status and social justice, we have
taken a great responsibility. We want to inaugurate a society in
which there will be perfect equality. If that is the objective, then
surely that cannot be achieed by following old methods of shouting
old slogans. We have established political equality by adopting
the system of adult franchise. We want to secure social justice
and remove as far a possible economic inequalities by erecting
certain economic institutions which will secure a better standard
of life for those who are down-trodden, by securing opportunities
for the expansion of the personality of every citizen. And that is
only possible in my humble view, by nationalising at least the
means of production and securing an adequate standard of wages,
controlling profits, and if at all private effort is to be given any place
in the economic system by laying down that it shall be under the
*P.D., Vol. XV, Part II, 18th September 1951, pp. 2754-68.
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regulation and control of the State. In other words, by legislation
we are trying to secure social justice and trying to remove economic
inequality. If by legislation we have secured political equality, if by
legislation we are attempting to secure economic equality or at least
to remove economic inequalities, it is only logical that by the same
process, namely by legislation, we must try to secure social equality.
My friend Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee stated that by codifying the
Hindu Law you are shutting out altogether those sources of Hindu
Law which have been functioning from ages and which has secured
the means of progress so far. I agree that the sources of Hindu Law
are smritis, shrutis, sadachara, and one’s own conscience. All that
is true. But all that was good and valid enough when the political
constitution or the political set-up of the country was different from
what it is now. Even in the West it was considered that a change
in the law could be effected either by legislation or by legal fiction
which meant that the law apparently remained the same but in
practice it underwent a change and by custom. Even in the West
the modern tendency is to depend mostly or substantially upon
legislation in effecting the necessary changes which will make the
law to be in conformity with public morality. Law always follows
public morality. Public opinion goes ahead and progresses because
that is the life in the community, not being static or stagnant,
continually progresses, continually proceeds, because the law of life.
Therefore the legislation comes behind. But there should not be such
a big hiatus between the two so as to endanger the happiness of
the community. It is therefore the duty of every thoughtful citizen,
of every person who has the interest of the community at heart to
see that the time-lag between the two is as short as possible.
Now, it is no good depending always upon the second method,
namely of legal fiction, and allowing the judiciary to strain the
meaning of plain words and asking them to try to bring the law in
conformity with the prevailing opinion in the community.
The third method, namely that of custom, is, I should say,
a misfit in modern circumstances. After all, custom was good
when the legal power of the State was not adequate, was not
sufficiently developed in order to enforce what was thought
to be just and proper and what was thought to be in the best
interests of the community. Now, in the modern world to talk
of custom prevailing over law is a sort of anomaly. If the
custom is prevalent on such an extensive scale I have not the
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1030 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
slightest doubt that legislators will initiate the legislation and the
custom will be incorporated and dignified into a rule of law.
That being so I am unable to understand the argument of my hon.
friend Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee that we are doing something
revolurionary and in such a manner that the normal sources of law
which were available will be completely closed. It is not so. Whatever
we have inherited we have so to say, instead of putting our inheritance
into a number of banks consolidated the inheritance and put it in
some bank which has the prestige and strenth of a Reserve Bank,
namely legislation. That is what we have done. In fact in the present
Code as it is now before this House what is really done is that we are
practically coordinating what is in existence—the present law—to the
extent of eighty per cent. There is no doubt an element of progress
to some extent. I will even concede that there is an element which
to some extent goes in advance of public opinion. But I want to ask
one question to the Members of this House. Is it or is it not our duty
not merely to think in terms of the needs of the persent moment but
to think in advance of our society, as we visualise or as we desire
that it ought to be ? If planning is good in the economic sphere why
should it be bad in the social sphere ? We are anxious that our society
should be such. If that is the ideal on which we are agreed and on the
assumption that we are . agreed—because we have adopted it as one
of the objectives in our Constitution—then we have to consider how we
shall manage to take our society to that destination. Can we follow a
policy of laissez-faire in this sphere or shall we think ahead, think in
advance just have our target and gradually, through the mechanism of
law, which in due course, become part and parcel of the community’s
life and arrive at the destination according to the schedule ?
Shri R. K. Chaudhari (Assam) : That is questionable.
Shri Gadgil : If we leave it to non-official effort I have no doubt
that in course of time, may be two generations hence, things will
become as we desire now. But by that time public opinion would have
advanced much more. In other words we will never be able to cut the
time element between the growing public opinion and the legislation.
I therefore say that if there is any element of advance thinking in
this Code it is justifiable, and I would say that it is an act of wisdom.
Now the opposition to this Bill has been from several points of view.
There are people who do not like any interference by the Legislature in
these matters. There are people who think that the Parliament, or the