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Vol. 15 · pages 121–125

As Free India's First Law Minister and Member of Opposition in Parliament, 1947–1956

This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.

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104 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES form part of the regular Army. As the Act principally applies to the regular Army, it is necessary to provide for an eventuality where the provisions of this Act would have to be extended and applied to units which are not part of the regular Army. That is the purpose of section 4. Section 4 says........ Pandit Kunzru : Are these Forces Part B States Forces ? Dr. Ambedkar : I am coming separately to Part B States. So far as section 4 seeks to apply the provisions of this Act to units for the moment other than those referring to Part B States, I do not see that there can be any valid objection to the provisions contained in that particular section. With regard to section 5 which deals with Part B States, my hon. Friend’s contention was that this was inappropriate, and also the latter part of section 4 which made mention of Part B States. The answer to that question is this. My hon. Friend will remember that in the earlier part of the Constituent Assembly, the position was that the States in Part B which were then called Acceding States, had been given power to raise and to maintain independent Forces of their own. If he has got a copy of the original draft of the Constitution, he will see item 4 on page 189 and he will also find that I took objection to that provision. I did not want that any particular unit under the Union should have a right to raise and to maintain troops. I was glad that my contention prevailed, and that part of the entry was deleted. So that, the right to raise and maintain troops under the Constitution exclusively belongs to the Union. Although this position was accepted, it did not remove altogether the difficulty. As my hon. Friend well knows, there were certain covenants that were entered into between the Government of India and the various Indian States mentioned in Part B. One of the terms of the covenant was that the States which had certain Forces maintained and raised by them should be continued to be maintained by them and that what should be prevented was the raising of new troops. The existing units were to be continued. Then arose the question what is to happen to the existing units : were they to be independent

PDF page 122 (printed page 105)

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105PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES or were they to be subordinate to the military authorities of the Government of India ? A compromise was entered into which is mentioned in article 259 to which he referred. Therein it is provided that although the troops already raised were to continue, they were to be subject to any law that Parliament might make. Now, it was possible for Parliament to make a law declaring that for all purposes the troops raised already by the States in Part B would be regarded as part of the regular Army of India. That is, of course, the intention. But, as I said, these matters were governed by the covenant. Although the Rajpramukhs who represent the States in Part B were prepared to accept the provisions contained in article 259, that is to say, confer the power on Parliament to make such a law, they still desired that they should continue to be the Commanders-in-Chief of those Forces and that their position ought to be safe-guarded. These things arising out of the convenants which, as I said, had already been entered into and on the basis of which accession was made, had to be respected. I hope and trust that a time will come when the States would voluntarily agree to Parliament exercising complete jurisdiction, effecting complete assimilation between the Indian regular Army and the Forces raised by them. Therefore, what we have to do today is to effect a sort of a compromise. These sections 4 and 5 really represent the best compromise that we can make. Pandit Kunzru : If I may interrupt my hon. friend, he has dealt with a very wide question. My criticism was limited to one point only. Why has not the power conferred on Parliament by article 259 of the Constitution been used to extend the Army Act to Part B States Forces ? Dr. Ambedkar : That is what I am dealing with. Pandit Kunzru : I did not deal with the wider aspect of the problem on which my hon. friend has dwelt so far. Dr. Ambedkar : But, the wider aspect is the real aspect. The whole question is governed by the covenants which were entered into before the Constitution was made, unless, of course, my hon. Friend’s position is that covenant or no

PDF page 123 (printed page 106)

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106 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES covenant, agreement or no agreement, understanding or no uderstanding, wherever Parliament has got power, Parliament should exercise it. That would be a different position. Pandit Kunzru : Surely my hon. friend knows that on the 24th January the Unions of States and the State of Mysore issued a proclamation accepting the Constitution and saying that the agreements that were inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution were invlaid. Dr. Ambedkar : Yes. That may be so. As I said we are following really an understanding. Before I go to that, I would like to draw his attention to the fact that he has not adverted to an important point of cluase 2, viz., part ( b) of clause 2 which says: “persons belonging to the land forces of a Part B State, when such persons are attached to any body of the regular Army for service, or when the whole or a part of the said forces is acting with any body of the regular Army or is placed at the disposal of the Central Government in pursuance of a notification under section 5;” Therefore, it is not altogether as though this law places the Forces in States in Part B in a separate water-tight compartment. When the Central Government issues a notification under clause 5, then as soon as the notification is issued, this Act would apply to that part of the Army in Part B States automatically. He will also see that under clause 5 there is power given to the Central Government to see that any particular Part of the Forces in Part B shall for the purposes of this Act be treated as attached to the Indian Army. That also is a direct power of intervention so far as attachment of certain Forces is concerned. My friend asked why we have not taken direct action. The answer is, to my mind, obvious. He will realize that the Forces in States in Part B were raised under their own individual laws and were not raised under any Act of the Central Government. The condition on which enrolment was made in Part B States materially differed from the rules and conditions regarding enrolment of personnel to the Indian Regular Army. One important difference was this that the person enrolled in the Indian Regular Army was bound to save anywhere but 3-00 P M

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107PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES with regard to a person enrolled in Forces belonging to the Part B States, such a conditon was not there. I think it is in everybody’s knowledge that their conditions of service were confined to their States and the widest circuit of their service was India. It was during the war that special provision was made when these troops were placed under the control of the Government of India with the condition that they may be used anywhere. It was the Government of India who bore the expenditure and sent them to battle-fields outside India. That being so, it does appear to be somewhat difficult, harsh and illegal even to compel a man who has been enrolled under different set of circumstances to come and be a part of the Regular Army. Consequently, the fact that we have had convenants with the States forces as to adopt what might be regarded as a via media and I do not think that from either point of view any objection could be raised to the provisions contained in clauses 4 and 5. Now, I come to the other point raised by him, viz., clause 70 which deals with the authority of the Court Martial to try what are called civil offences. It is quite true that offences against civilians should be tried by civilian courts and not by military courts but there are considerations which weigh on the other side and which support the provisions contained in this Bill. Let me give first some of the difficulties which one has to face in deciding upon an issue of this sort. Suppose an offence is committed by a solider within the barracks where the army is stationed, which should be the forum, the Court Martial or the Ordinary Magistrate’s Court ? Let me point out another difficulty and it is this. An offence is committed against a civilian but that offence is such that while it involves the breach of an ordinary criminal law at the same time, it involves what is called a breach of the rules of discipline which every soldier must follow. What would be the appropriate forum in a case like this where the act committed by a soldier is equally an offence under the ordinary criminal law and is also a breach of discipline under the Army rules ? Take another illustration. Supposing an army is about to move from one place to another : every soldier belonging to that army must move. Then suppose we made

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108 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES a provision that every offence committed by a soldier must be tried by a civilan court. It might be that a recalcitrant solider who does not want to move with the troops to another station deliberately gets himself involved in some kind of a crime in order to stay back so that the civilian judge may try him. Should that be allowed ? If my friend himself were to exercise his mind on the subject he would find many other difficulties with which he would be confronted if he came to the dogmatic conclusion that all offences committed by a soldier against a civilian must be as a rule tried by a civilian court: Pandit Kunzru : That was not my contention. Dr. Ambedkar : Therefore, I say there can be no question of having any dogmatic opinion about this question. None can say that all such offences must be tried by the Military Court nor can anyone say that no such offence shall be tried by a civilian court. Consequently the Bill makes certain compromises which are in keeping with the necessities of the case. The trial of offences committed by a soldier which are to be tried by a military court are limited in number. They are murder, culpable homicide, etc. Pandit Kunzru : By a military court or a criminal court ? Dr. Ambedkar : By a criminal court. All others may be tried by court martial. In connection with this there are other provisions in the Bill which must also be taken into consideration. They are clauses 125, 126 and 127. The discretion or the jurisdiction of the courts martial to try offences which are left to them is not absolute but it is governed by the provisions to which I have referred, namely, the military court under clause 125 may decide whether they want to try the offence. If the civil courts think that the offences should be tried by them they should under clause 126 obtain the permission of the Government of India and if the permission is granted they can proceed to try the offence. There is a further provision which in a sense is rather an extraordinary thing, namely, “Successive trial”. If it was found that the offence was a grave or serious one but the court martial which was permitted to try the offence let off the man with a light punishment, then