Vol. 15 · pages 121–125
As Free India's First Law Minister and Member of Opposition in Parliament, 1947–1956
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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104 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
form part of the regular Army. As the Act principally applies to
the regular Army, it is necessary to provide for an eventuality
where the provisions of this Act would have to be extended
and applied to units which are not part of the regular Army.
That is the purpose of section 4. Section 4 says........
Pandit Kunzru : Are these Forces Part B States Forces ?
Dr. Ambedkar : I am coming separately to Part B States.
So far as section 4 seeks to apply the provisions of this Act
to units for the moment other than those referring to Part B
States, I do not see that there can be any valid objection to
the provisions contained in that particular section.
With regard to section 5 which deals with Part B States,
my hon. Friend’s contention was that this was inappropriate,
and also the latter part of section 4 which made mention of
Part B States. The answer to that question is this. My hon.
Friend will remember that in the earlier part of the Constituent
Assembly, the position was that the States in Part B which
were then called Acceding States, had been given power to
raise and to maintain independent Forces of their own. If he
has got a copy of the original draft of the Constitution, he
will see item 4 on page 189 and he will also find that I took
objection to that provision. I did not want that any particular
unit under the Union should have a right to raise and to
maintain troops. I was glad that my contention prevailed,
and that part of the entry was deleted. So that, the right to
raise and maintain troops under the Constitution exclusively
belongs to the Union. Although this position was accepted, it
did not remove altogether the difficulty.
As my hon. Friend well knows, there were certain
covenants that were entered into between the Government
of India and the various Indian States mentioned in Part B.
One of the terms of the covenant was that the States which
had certain Forces maintained and raised by them should be
continued to be maintained by them and that what should be
prevented was the raising of new troops. The existing units
were to be continued. Then arose the question what is to
happen to the existing units : were they to be independent
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105PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
or were they to be subordinate to the military authorities of the
Government of India ? A compromise was entered into which
is mentioned in article 259 to which he referred. Therein it
is provided that although the troops already raised were to
continue, they were to be subject to any law that Parliament
might make. Now, it was possible for Parliament to make a
law declaring that for all purposes the troops raised already
by the States in Part B would be regarded as part of the
regular Army of India. That is, of course, the intention. But,
as I said, these matters were governed by the covenant.
Although the Rajpramukhs who represent the States in Part B
were prepared to accept the provisions contained in article
259, that is to say, confer the power on Parliament to make
such a law, they still desired that they should continue to
be the Commanders-in-Chief of those Forces and that their
position ought to be safe-guarded. These things arising out
of the convenants which, as I said, had already been entered
into and on the basis of which accession was made, had to
be respected. I hope and trust that a time will come when
the States would voluntarily agree to Parliament exercising
complete jurisdiction, effecting complete assimilation between
the Indian regular Army and the Forces raised by them.
Therefore, what we have to do today is to effect a sort of a
compromise. These sections 4 and 5 really represent the best
compromise that we can make.
Pandit Kunzru : If I may interrupt my hon. friend,
he has dealt with a very wide question. My criticism was
limited to one point only. Why has not the power conferred
on Parliament by article 259 of the Constitution been used
to extend the Army Act to Part B States Forces ?
Dr. Ambedkar : That is what I am dealing with.
Pandit Kunzru : I did not deal with the wider aspect of
the problem on which my hon. friend has dwelt so far.
Dr. Ambedkar : But, the wider aspect is the real aspect.
The whole question is governed by the covenants which
were entered into before the Constitution was made, unless,
of course, my hon. Friend’s position is that covenant or no
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106 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
covenant, agreement or no agreement, understanding or no
uderstanding, wherever Parliament has got power, Parliament
should exercise it. That would be a different position.
Pandit Kunzru : Surely my hon. friend knows that on the
24th January the Unions of States and the State of Mysore
issued a proclamation accepting the Constitution and
saying that the agreements that were inconsistent
with the provisions of the Constitution were invlaid.
Dr. Ambedkar : Yes. That may be so. As I said we are
following really an understanding. Before I go to that, I
would like to draw his attention to the fact that he has not
adverted to an important point of cluase 2, viz., part ( b) of
clause 2 which says:
“persons belonging to the land forces of a Part B State, when
such persons are attached to any body of the regular Army for
service, or when the whole or a part of the said forces is acting
with any body of the regular Army or is placed at the disposal
of the Central Government in pursuance of a notification under
section 5;”
Therefore, it is not altogether as though this law places
the Forces in States in Part B in a separate water-tight
compartment. When the Central Government issues a
notification under clause 5, then as soon as the notification
is issued, this Act would apply to that part of the Army in
Part B States automatically. He will also see that under
clause 5 there is power given to the Central Government to
see that any particular Part of the Forces in Part B shall for
the purposes of this Act be treated as attached to the Indian
Army. That also is a direct power of intervention so far as
attachment of certain Forces is concerned.
My friend asked why we have not taken direct action. The
answer is, to my mind, obvious. He will realize that the Forces
in States in Part B were raised under their own individual
laws and were not raised under any Act of the Central
Government. The condition on which enrolment was made in
Part B States materially differed from the rules and conditions
regarding enrolment of personnel to the Indian Regular Army.
One important difference was this that the person enrolled in
the Indian Regular Army was bound to save anywhere but
3-00 P M
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107PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
with regard to a person enrolled in Forces belonging to the
Part B States, such a conditon was not there. I think it is in
everybody’s knowledge that their conditions of service were
confined to their States and the widest circuit of their service
was India. It was during the war that special provision was
made when these troops were placed under the control of
the Government of India with the condition that they may
be used anywhere. It was the Government of India who bore
the expenditure and sent them to battle-fields outside India.
That being so, it does appear to be somewhat difficult, harsh
and illegal even to compel a man who has been enrolled
under different set of circumstances to come and be a part of
the Regular Army. Consequently, the fact that we have had
convenants with the States forces as to adopt what might be
regarded as a via media and I do not think that from either
point of view any objection could be raised to the provisions
contained in clauses 4 and 5.
Now, I come to the other point raised by him, viz., clause
70 which deals with the authority of the Court Martial to try
what are called civil offences. It is quite true that offences
against civilians should be tried by civilian courts and not by
military courts but there are considerations which weigh on
the other side and which support the provisions contained in
this Bill. Let me give first some of the difficulties which one
has to face in deciding upon an issue of this sort. Suppose
an offence is committed by a solider within the barracks
where the army is stationed, which should be the forum,
the Court Martial or the Ordinary Magistrate’s Court ? Let
me point out another difficulty and it is this. An offence is
committed against a civilian but that offence is such that
while it involves the breach of an ordinary criminal law at
the same time, it involves what is called a breach of the
rules of discipline which every soldier must follow. What
would be the appropriate forum in a case like this where the
act committed by a soldier is equally an offence under the
ordinary criminal law and is also a breach of discipline under
the Army rules ? Take another illustration. Supposing an army
is about to move from one place to another : every soldier
belonging to that army must move. Then suppose we made
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108 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
a provision that every offence committed by a soldier must be
tried by a civilan court. It might be that a recalcitrant solider
who does not want to move with the troops to another station
deliberately gets himself involved in some kind of a crime in
order to stay back so that the civilian judge may try him.
Should that be allowed ? If my friend himself were to exercise
his mind on the subject he would find many other difficulties
with which he would be confronted if he came to the dogmatic
conclusion that all offences committed by a soldier against a
civilian must be as a rule tried by a civilian court:
Pandit Kunzru : That was not my contention.
Dr. Ambedkar : Therefore, I say there can be no question
of having any dogmatic opinion about this question. None
can say that all such offences must be tried by the Military
Court nor can anyone say that no such offence shall be tried
by a civilian court. Consequently the Bill makes certain
compromises which are in keeping with the necessities of the
case. The trial of offences committed by a soldier which are
to be tried by a military court are limited in number. They
are murder, culpable homicide, etc.
Pandit Kunzru : By a military court or a criminal court ?
Dr. Ambedkar : By a criminal court. All others may be
tried by court martial.
In connection with this there are other provisions in the
Bill which must also be taken into consideration. They are
clauses 125, 126 and 127. The discretion or the jurisdiction
of the courts martial to try offences which are left to them
is not absolute but it is governed by the provisions to which
I have referred, namely, the military court under clause
125 may decide whether they want to try the offence. If the
civil courts think that the offences should be tried by them
they should under clause 126 obtain the permission of the
Government of India and if the permission is granted they
can proceed to try the offence. There is a further provision
which in a sense is rather an extraordinary thing, namely,
“Successive trial”. If it was found that the offence was a grave
or serious one but the court martial which was permitted to
try the offence let off the man with a light punishment, then