Vol. 15 · pages 261–265
As Free India's First Law Minister and Member of Opposition in Parliament, 1947–1956
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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244 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Dr. Ambedkar : That is a matter which you may discuss
but that is how the Bill proceeds upon. There will therefore
be some two-member constituencies. The other constituencies
will be single-member constituencies. In the two-member
constituencies the voting will be by distributive vote.
Now I come to the Election Tribunal.
Pandit Maitra : May I know whether in no case there
will be three-member constituencies?
Dr. Ambedkar : I am going to say at the end that these
are not matters which can be taken as concluded.
With regard to the Election Tribunal the position is this.
There are of course a variety of ways in which an election
tribunal could be constituted. Either you can constitute an
election tribunal whose authority will be final, without any
right of appeal, or you can have a tribunal whose decision
will be subject to an appeal. As I said, on this there cannot be
any dogma. One has to decide in the light of public opinion.
But the Bill proceeds upon the assumption that there should
be some sort of a right of appeal to the High Court. It is
also assumed that the public has a greater confidence in the
official machinery for the disposal of election disputes. Nonofficials, it is said, may have a bias which may prejudice
the ultimate judgment in the case of an election dispute.
Consequently what the Bill proposes to do is to have a
two-member tribunal. The Chairman will be the District
Judge and the other member will be a judicial officer. He
may not be a District Judge. He may be some other judicial
officer, but an official. The point is this that it is difficult to
imagine at this stage what would be the number of election
petitions. In view of the fact that the people of this country
are so enamoured of politics so far as I see—having almost
a passion for politics—I surmise that there might be a very
large number of election petitions. If that happens and if you
wish that the machinery to decide appeals should be official,
the number of District Judges that may be available today
would be found to be considerably insufficient to cope with the
task. It is therefore that the second Member is described as
a Judicial Officer. He may not be of the rank of the District
Judge. In addition to that, it has been provided that the
High Courts in the different provinces may prepare a list of
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245PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
advocates, who in the opinion of the High Court, may be
deemed to be sufficiently qualified and reliable to be employed
as Members of this Tribunal. That is again on the supposition
that the petitions may be so large that even the Judicial
Members may not suffice. ( Interruption.) I think it is good
that we should give some employment to advocates because
notwithstanding the many remarks that I have been hearing
I am firm enough to say civilization cannot exist without
advocates. Law is the very foundation of civilization.
As I said, the Bill provides that in the case of difference
of opinion in the Tribunal a reference may be made to the
High Court. Another, I think, very important feature of the
Bill is this. I am not very much versed in the law relating
to election petitions; I have not dealt with them on a very
large scale. With what little experience I have, I have come
to the conclusion that the law is in the most indefinite state
that one can find. You can never definitely say what are the
manners in which an election petition may be disposed of. You
can never be certain on what grounds the election as a whole
may be declared to be void. You can never be certain what are
the grounds on which the election of a particular candidate
may be declared. You are never certain under the existing
law what are the cases in which the Courts may entertain
what is called a plea of recrimination. I have therefore devoted
considerable time and attention to the clarification of this
position and I would invite the attention of hon. Members to
clauses 93, 95 and 96 in which they will find that the position
is made as clear as one can possibly do, and I hope that this
will be a great advantage both to-the Tribunal as well as to
the contesting candidates themselves.
Then, I come to the law of corrupt and illegal practices.
Here again, the law has been scattered in various places. I
endeavoured to bring all the provisions relating to corrupt
practices and illegal practices under this one Bill and you
will find them codified from sections 122 onwards. Our law
in a sense was defective so far as corrupt intention was
concerned. The law has not made it clear that in the case
of a corrupt practice what was essential was not a practice
which is declared to be corrupt but the corrupt intention. With
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246 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
regard to the illegal practice, there is no question of intention
at all; the practice is declared to be bad, but with regard to
the corrupt practice in order to give a finding of guilty, it is
necessary to have a finding that the intention was corrupt. You
might call your friend to a dinner or lunch during the period
when your election is going on. Your opponent may say that
you have corrupted him. I do not know whether such a plea
could be sustained but under the existing law this proviso was
not there and I have tried to square up the thing, because I
find that is also the provision in the English law that in a
corrupt practice there must be a corrupt intention.
I know that the House is more interested in finding out
what provisions are made in this Bill for a free and fair election.
That, I think, is the desire of everybody and I therefore will
now give to the House the provisions which relate and which
are intended to bring about a free and fair election.
(1) All election meetings on the election day and the day
preceding such a day have been banned. We have thought
that it would be desirable to have two peaceful nights to
the voters as well as to the candidates before they go to the
polling-booths.
(2) Penalty has been provided for disturbance at election
meetings, which I think is very desirable.
(3) Officers performing any duty in connection with an
election and police officers have been prohibited from acting
for candidates or to influence voters. That you will find in
clause 124.
(4) Canvassing in and near polling stations has been
prohibited.
(5) Penalty has been provided for disorderly conduct in or
near polling stations such as the use of a mega-phone or loud
speaker or shouting in or near the polling station.
(6) This is an important thing. The hiring or procuring of
conveyances for bringing voters to or from the polling station
has been made punishable.
(7) Breaches of official duty in connection with the elections
have been made punishable.
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247PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
(8) Removal of ballot papers from the polling station has
also been made an offence.
(9) Personation has been made a cognizable offence
throughout India, and as you will see, there are other provisions
of the Bill. There is a provision which says that every voter
shall have to give his thumb impression in an indelible ink.
I hope the ink will be indelible so that there will be no case
of a second vote in the name of another person. We have
got an enormous electorate and it would be quite difficult to
find out that there is no impersonation. The only method of
safeguarding it is to have some kind of mark by which when
a voter comes to give a vote, it will be possible for a polling
station to ascertain that he has already not voted.
These are the general provisions which are contained in
this Bill. Sir, I quite see that the time at the disposal of the
House is very short, having regard to the length of the Bill,
but I think the House can take comfort in the fact that we
have had a very large Select Committee. I do not think that
any Bill has had such a big Select Committee.
An Hon. Member : Except the Hindu Code.
Dr. Ambedkar : It was also a very small Select Committee,
if I remember aright but here there are about 31 Members.
An Hon. Member : Adult franchise?
Dr. Ambedkar : I have given almost adult franchise.
Secondly, as I said, this does not involve any question of policy.
These are mere questions of methods of bringing about a fair
deal in the election and consequently, I do not propose when
the Select Committee meets to raise any kind of objection to
any suggestion that might be made. It will be an open forum.
I should also like to say that if those Members who have not
had the luck to be included in the Select Committee also care
to send any suggestions either personally to me. or to the Select
Committee, I shall place them before the Select Committee
and see that they are given due consideration. Sir, I move.
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248 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
*Prof. Ranga : …….. I feel, Sir, that the Member should
be given the opportunity to say which seat I wants to keep
and even if he fails to declare, the result of that election which
was declared first, that seat should be treated to be one for
which he was elected.
Dr. Ambedkar : It is there, he has only to resign within
the prescribed period.
*P.D. ,Vol. 7, Part II, 22nd December 1950, p. 2295.