Vol. 15 · pages 941–945
As Free India's First Law Minister and Member of Opposition in Parliament, 1947–1956
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 941 (printed page 922)
922 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
majority in each House. That is the first condition Secondly
it shall be submitted to the electors to obtain their decision
upon the amending law passed by the two Houses by absolute
majority. If the two Houses are not unanimous in the proposed
amendment then the Governor-General is empowered to put
the last proposed law for amendment to the electors for their
decision. And then these are the conditions. If in a majority
of the States a majority of the electors voting in favour of
the proposed law and if a majority of all electors voting also
approve of the proposed law, then and then only the proposed
law shall become part of the Costitution on receiving the assent
of the King. The conditions are that in the first place both
Houses must pass the proposed law by absolute majority, and
if they do not agree, or are not unanimous, then the power
is given to the Governor-General to refer the matter to the
electors. Even in the first case the matter must be referred
to the electors and even then it is not merely by the majority
of the electors voting in favour of the Bill but majority of
the States, a majority of electors and a majority of all the
electors voting must approve the Bill before the Constitution
could be amended.
Now let us take the Constitution of the United States. In
the Constitution of the united States, article 5 which deals
with the amendment of the Constitution provides thus : “When
two-thirds of both houses propose an amendment, then and
then alone further action could be taken.” The first condition is
that two-thirds of both houses must pass the amending Bill or
two-thirds of the States may call their conventions, that is to
say, a meeting of the electors who may propose constitutional
amendments as suggested by the State Government. Such
amendments then will become law provided it is ratified by
three-fourths of the States or by the Conventions in threefourths of the States. I have taken these two Constitutions
merely for the purpose of illustration. Many other provisions
would be found in other constitutions.
Now what is the basic principle underlying this provision
relating to the amendment of the Constitution ? It seems to
me that a student who scrutinises these two articles relating
to the amendment of the Constitution in Australia and
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923PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
America will find that there are two principles which underlie
any action relating to the amendment of the Constitution.
The first is this that there must be notice to the people. The
people must know that the Government is going to undertake
the amendment of the Constitution. The second principles is
that there must be consent of the voters either directly as in
America or indirectly by the States by ratifying resolution.
Now, Sir, is our Government observing these fundamental
rules ? It is quite true that our Constitution is a very fluid
one. It is not as rigid, not half as rigid as
the American Constitution or the Australian
Constitution, and those who were in charge of framing the
Constitution were fully conscious of the fact that the situation
must be left fluid because it may be that circumstances would
arise which would require amendment of the Constitution, and
you cannot allow the Constitution to hold up the solution of
social problems which are emergent. It was because of that
that it was proposed that the provisions contained in Article
368 should suffice. We don’t require except in certain cases
reference back to the States or reference back to the voters,
but I have not the least doubt in my mind that no one who
had anything to do with the drafting of the Constitution ever
thought that the government would rush in on the spur of the
moment to amend the Constitution without giving notice to
the voters. Notice to the voters, if I may submit, is a general
principle of political life and party life. Even in England no
party would undertake any piece of legislation which did not
form part of its political programme for the election. Every
party must have a mandate to do a certain thing. Without
a mandate a party cannot do anything. You cannot take the
voters by surprise and you cannot assume absolute authority to
amend even the Constitution simply because you are elected.
This is exactly what our Government has been doing. Simply
because they have obtained a majority they assume that
they have not only the power to make any law whatsoever
relating to any of the entries which give them the power to
make laws but they have also got the power, merely by being
elected, even without notifying their intention to the people
as such, to even amend the Constitution. Is the Constitution
3-00 P.M.
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924 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
not different in any sense from an ordinary law ? Is it merely
a scrap of paper to be amended at the whim of anybody ?
There is a saying in Marathi—I do not know whether I can
translate it into English properly—and that saying is a very
good one and very appropriate. We say, if the old woman dies
it really does not matter very much but what we are afraid
of is that Yama gets habituated to coming often and often
and what we want to prevent is the Yama’s invasion. It does
not matter if the old woman is dead or snatched away. This
is exactly what has been happening and I have been noticing
the great contempt or the low regard or respect which the
Government has for the Constitution. You may amend the
Constitution; nobody has any objection to amending it but
certainly you ought to treat the Constitution on a somewhat
different footing, a better footing, a special footing. Tell the
people what you are intending to do and then you may do it.
Otherwise it might become necessary even to amend Article
368 in a manner so as to prevent this facile invasion of the
constitutional provisions. This is all that I wanted to say.
PDF page 944 (printed page 925)
925PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
(52)
UNTOUCHABILITY OFFENCES BILL 1954
*Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (Bombay) : Mr. Deputy Chairman,
I propose to speak on the Bill. I think it is impossible for me
to remain silent during the discussion on this Bill, but I find
that my hon. friend, the Minister-in-charge, has condescended
to put me on the Select Committee on this Bill. There is a
convention that a member who is on a Select Committee
shall not speak or take part in the Debate on the motion for
reference to a Select Committee. I do not know to what extent
the rule has been observed in all its strictness.
Mr. Deputy Chairman : It has not been violated.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I think in the other house it is not
strictly observed and I understand that a member in such a
position could speak. However, if the convention is a rigid
one here I beg permission to withdraw my name, and I hope
the Hon. Minister will concede.
Prof. G. Ranga (Andhra) : It is not a rigid one.
Mr. Deputy Chairman : Yes, it is a rigid one; we have
been opbserving it.
Prof. G. Ranga: If either within the time
Mr. Deputy Chairman : It will be setting a bad precedent.
Prof. G. Ranga : There is no question of any bad precedent.
What I understood always was that when other Members
who are not Members of the Select Committee are anxious
to speak, then the Members who are placed on the Select
Committee are expected to give way, but it does not debar
any Member of the Select Committee from exercising his
privilege of speaking. Only if……….
* P. D., (R. S.) Vol. 7-B, 16th September 1954, pp. 2417-18.
PDF page 945 (printed page 926)
926 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Mr. Deputy Chairman : We have been observing the
convention that the Members of the Select Committee ………
Prof. G. Ranga : We have not observed it that way. It is
not rule; it is a convention.
Mr. Deputy Chairman : The convention should be
interpreted in that manner because it has been observed
that way.
Prof. G. Ranga: There is no definite rule on this point
but the convention we have been following is that generally
Members who are Members of the Select Committee do not
speak.
Mr. Deputy Chairman : On two or three previous
occasions I have refused the Members.
Shri Biswanath Das (Orissa) : Because they have got the
chance to place their views before the Select Committee, it is
felt not desirable to give them the necessary ……..
Mr. Deputy Chairman : It will be setting a bad precedent.
Shri Biswanath Das : Therefore the non-Members in the
Select Committee are given the chance to place their views
so that the Select Committee may have the advantage of
considering those views as well. There is, I submit, no rule
and we should not have any rigid convention to make it
binding on the Members of the Select Committee not to speak.
I would therefore appeal to my hon. friend Dr. Ambedkar
not to consider it in that light and think of withdrawing his
name from the Select Committee which I consider will be
most useful and helpful.
*Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Mr. Deputy Chairman, before
I actually deal with the provisions of this Bill, I think it is
desirable that I should draw the attention of the House to the
responsibility created by certain articles in the Constitution
and the responsibility placed upon the Government to give
effect to those provisions.
* P. D. (R. S.), Vol. 7-B., 16th September 1954, pp. 2424-66.