Vol. 17, Part I · pages 151–155

126 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES gave to the News Chronicle on this subject, you would be quite convinced that Gandhi, while expressing his desire for the immediate establishment of ‘independence’—which amounts of course to partnership with Britain and the maintenance of the imperialistic link with India, he practically gives himself away by admitting-though more by implication than explicity in so many words-the substantial difficulties in the immediate inauguration of a Federal Constitution in India.” 1 Dr. B. R. Ambedkar left London, and embarking at Marseilles, on January 15, 1932, reached Bombay on January 29. “Dr. B. R. Ambedkar has prepared a set of answers to the questionnaire issued by the Franchise Committee and copies of the same are being circulated among various individual members and mushroom associations of the Depressed Classes community. Space has been left at the beginning of every paragraph to fill up the blanks with the names of the Association, or individuals. Stereotyped Replies The hundreds of the Stereotyped replies to the questionnaire circulated repeat. “The .................... (the blank space is to be filled up by the name of the Association) is of opinion that the Depressed Classes cannot secure representation in the general electorates. Much less can they secure representatives of their own choice. Even if there was adult suffrage. The reasons are as follows :— “(a) In every territorial constituency the Depressed Classes are in minority of the population and will be a minority of voters in the electorate much too small to win a seat for themselves.” “(b) Owing to social prejudices no voter of the Higher Caste will vote for the Depressed Classes candidates.” “(c) On the other hand owing to economic dependence on the higher castes and the religious and social influence of the Higher Classes voters may be led to vote for a high caste 1 : Ganvir, Ambedkar Gandhi : Teen Mulakhati, Pp. 22-23.

127ROLE OF ......................... INDIAN DEMOCRACY candidates as against a candidate of his own Class. No Depressed Class man has ever been elected to the Council, on the support of High Castes.” 1 “Dr. Ambedkar immediately left for Delhi to take part in the proceedings of the Franchise Committee headed by Lord Lothian. On his way to Delhi, he was enthusiastically received at every station by the Depressed classes; especially the functions held at Nasik, Igatpuri, Deolali, Manmad, Bhusaval and Jhansi stations were colourful and imposing. In the early days of February the Franchise Committee visited Bihar. The Depressed Classes greeted Dr. Ambedkar with great enthusiasm at every place. The Committee then moved to Calcutta via Patna. Depressed Class leaders of his persuasion, while giving evidence before the Franchise Committee, supported the scheme of separate electorates as they feared that in the System of Joint Electorates with reserved seats the candidates of the Depressed Classes would be at the mercy of the majority of electorates, and in order to win their votes they would have to ponder to their prejudices, or there would be every possibility of the seats being occupied by the stooges of the majority community. It was observed by many leaders of the Depressed Classes that if the Joint Electorates were to work successfully, that pre-supposed broad-mindedness on the part of the majority community. It was their view that such a favourable atmosphere did not exist then.” 2 “Letter to Mr. Gavai In the mean time, in this regard Dr. B. R. Ambedkar wrote a letter to Mr. G. A. Gavai, M.L.C.. General Secretary, AllIndia Depressed Classes Association. The letter is as follow— Patna, February 13 I was expecting you at Lucknow and also at Patna and was wondering why you had not turned up at either of these places till I got your letter. I am sorry to read that your illness preventing you from making the trip. 1 : The Bombay Chronicle, 23rd February 1932. 2 : Keer, Pp. 194-195.

128 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES I am sending you a copy of the Memorandum containing my views which I am sending you for your information. You will notice from the last paragraph in the Memorandum that our Committee ‘cannot’ and therefore your Committee ‘cannot’ discuss the communal question. The Prime Minister’s letter and the Questionnaire issued by the Committee makes this clear and Chair man of our Committee has given a ruling on this question both at Delhi and Lucknow which is in accord with this view. Therefore you must tell your ‘Committee’ that they cannot discuss this ques tion and if they insist, you should refuse to discuss it.” “Change of Views Your separate minute instead discussing Separate Vs. Joint Electorates should simply say that you refuse to discuss it because it is outside the terms of the Committee. I know your Association has got a Questionnaire. There is just one thing I must point out. I was shocked to find that Mr. Rajah has changed his opinion and is now advocating Joint Electorates. I hope your Association will not follow him in this policy which is suicidal in every way. But if it does then you must lake the consequences of a permanent breach between us and a war ‘amongst’ ourselves which I am trying to avoid at any cost. So don’t persist in it. I am glad to have the assurance that you won’t do anything without my knowledge and consent. I have written out a detailed set of answers to the Fran chise Questionnaire. I will send you a copy as soon as they are typed. I am sending a statement of my answers to the Questionnaire for your use and also a copy of the revised Questionnaire. You will see that the Communal question is altogether eliminated.” 1 “Now another trouble brewed for Dr. Ambedkar. Dr. Moonje made a pact with M. C. Rajah on the basis of reserved seats and joint electorates. Rajah submitted to the British Premier his memo randum telegraphically giving details of his pact with Dr. Moonje. This pact put Dr. Ambedkar in an awkward position. It may be recalled that it was Rajah who had cabled to 1 : The Bombay Chronicle, dated 7th April 1932.

129ROLE OF ......................... INDIAN DEMOCRACY Dr. Ambedkar and supported his demand for Separate Electorates, saying that Gandhi evidently did not know their woes, and there fore he had tried to force Joint Electorates down the unwilling throats of the Depressed Classes. Originally, the Rajah Party stood for Joint Electorates with reserved seats. But he changed sides. Rajah was the only Depressed Class Member in the Central Assembly, and he was not invited to the Round Table Conference. Perhaps grieved at this omission from the Round Table Conference, or greatly perturbed by Gandhi’s professed claim to represent the Depressed Classes, he had dropped the idea of Joint Electorates and insisted on Separate Electorates. And now he reverted to the original demand.”1 “Misleading Information Mr. Gavai has taken an early opportunity to issue the following statement to members of Depressed Classes. Certain misleading information is being circulated to you that the Indian Franchise Committee cannot discuss the question of the system of electorates with individuals or associations that submit memoranda to it on behalf of the Depressed Classes. This is very misleading. For in the questionnaire sent by the Committee under the item representation of Depressed Classes in paper 2, it is clearly stated what specific proposals would one make to secure representation of the community in the legislature. Those Model Answers Moreover, I would suggest that our associations would be well advised to send in their own views with reference to their own provinces irrespective of model answers prepared by others. In view of coming changes in the Constitution of India as declared by the Prime Minister on 1st of December 1931 that complete provincial autonomy will be given to provinces. It is very necessary that our community, should also keep pace with the times and so we should reconsider the decision which we had arrived at before the statement of the Prime Minister referred to above.” 2 1 : Keer, Pp. 195-196. 2 : The Bombay Chronicle, dated 27th February 1932.

130 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES “The Franchise Committee met at the Viceregal Lodge. Dr. Ambedkar, on behalf of the Depressed Classes, pleaded for the incorporation in the Indian Penal Code or in the future constitution, of a punishment for the instigation or promotion of boycott against the Depressed Classes which prevented them from the free enjoyment of the fundamental rights. The Franchise Committee accepted the suggestion. When the news of the Rajah-Moonje pact was out, the Bengal and Assam Depressed Class leaders denounced Rajah for his swing to the System of Joint Electorates with reserved seats, and supported the demands put forth by Dr. Ambedkar. M. B. Malik, M.L.A., President, Bengal Depressed Class Association ; the President, U.P. Adi-Hindu Association ; the President, All-Assam Depressed Class Association ; the President, Adi-Dharma Mandal, Punjab ; the President, Depressed Class Aid Society, Delhi ; all denounced Rajah and endorsed the demands put forth by Dr. Ambedkar. It was in April 1932 that the Nasik Satyagraha entered its third stage, and its leaders Bhaurao Gaikwad and Rankharnbe were arrested. News about their arrest was wired to Dr. Ambedkar the same day, i.e. the April 14, 1932. The extreme opposition of Chintamani, Bakhale and Tambe, the Hindu Members of the Franchise Committee, to the demand of the Depressed Classes for Separate Electorates had created bad blood between them and Dr. Ambedkar. They were not even on speaking terms with Dr. Ambedkar. Amid such tense atmosphere Dr. Ambedkar informed his secretary that he was sorry he could not deal with two situations at the same time. He was of the opinion that the prob lem of political rights was more important than the problem of temple entry ; and therefore it was unwise and dangerous to deviate from that work to which he had devoted himself heart and soul. In a letter written from Simla, Dr. Ambedkar said that it was very imperative to see the British Premier in London before the latter gave his decision on the communal issue. He, therefore, asked his trusted lieutenants to see whether it was possible to collect money for the proposed voyage without disclosing the reasons. He had also written to the Aga Khan, who was then in London, seeking his