Vol. 17, Part II · pages 216–220

193A NOTE ON . . . . . . VISCOUNT WAVELL demanded. At present disillusionment was driving his followers towards terrorism and communism. He was on trial with them for the efficacy of constitutional methods. Lord Pethick-Lawrence said that up to now Indian politics had been dominated by two issues, the question of winning independence from British rule and the Hindu-Muslim problem. Once these were out of the way party divisions would probably be on economic issues. Surely the Scheduled Castes would have a better chance of getting their rights by allaying themselves with the left wing than by relying on the British who were about to hand over power. In reply Dr. Ambedker reiterated that so long as there were joint electorates, Scheduled Caste voters would be so few that Hindu candidates could safely ignore their wishes. Caste Hindus would never support Scheduled Caste candidates. Admittedly under the present system they had to vote for the Untouchables in the final elections; but their object in doing so was never to favour their own candidate but merely to outvote the candidate put up by his own Federation. Separate Electorates were fundamental, since without them the Scheduled Castes would never have their own representatives. zz The Transfer of power Vol. VII, No. 58, pp.-144-147.

5 SEPARATE SETTLEMENTS FOR UNTOUCHABLES Dr. B. R. Ambedkar submitted a memorandum to the Cabinet Mission demanding separate settlement of villages for Untouchables. In his press interview he clarified his views on this issue—Editors. “The view that the demand of the Scheduled Castes for separate villages was not an encroachment on the rights of any party, was expressed by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Labour Member of Government of India, in an interview. Dr. Ambedkar said that there were large areas of cultivable waste land lying untenanted in the country which could be set apart for the settlement of Scheduled Castes. Government could form a trust to give effect to the proposal. Objection, he thought, would come only from those who had been accustomed to using the Scheduled Castes as a source of labour which was available to do all the unclean jobs and who could be forced to work at the cheapest wage rate. They would like to perpetuate this slavery. Because of intolerable conditions under which the Scheduled Castes lived in provinces like Bombay and Madras, it was necessary to have separate villages for them. Dr. Ambedkar explained that the village being a social and not an economic unit of society, there was no need to fear an economic strangulation of these separate villages. The produce of these areas would be sent to places where it would be welcome. Asked if the demand applied to the Pakistan areas Dr. Ambedkar said that it did. At present there was nothing concrete about Pakistan. The question of setting up separate villages would arise when it took concrete shape. The position of the Scheduled Castes, he said was analogous to that of the Bantu and other tribes of South Africa. He did not see why provision should not be made in the future Indian constitution to safeguard the interest of the Scheduled Castes in the same way as was done in the South African Constitution in the case of the Bantus — A.P.I.” zz 1 : Jai Bheem : 7 th May 1946.

6 PROTEST LETTER AGAINST THE PROPOSALS OF CABINATE MISSION Bhimrao R. Ambedkar, M.A. Ph.D., D.Sc, Barrister-at-law, 22, Prithviraj Road, Member, Governor General’s New Delhi, Executive Council. Dated, 3rd May 1946. Dear Lord Wavell, The omission on the part of the Cabinet Mission to invite a representative of the Scheduled Castes to their Conference in Simla has given rise to many misgivings in the minds of the Scheduled Castes as to how the Cabinet Mission proposes to dispose of their demand for constitutional safeguards. As the situation is critical, I like to acquaint you with the reactions of the Scheduled Castes in this connection. The omission to invite a representative of the Scheduled Castes to the Simla Conference is capable of many explanations. One explanation that appears to me to be plausible is that the demands of the Scheduled Castes are such that they do not require the consent of other parties inasmuch as they do not trench upon their legitimate rights. This is certainly so at least with regard to three of their demands, namely, (1) separate electorates, (2) proper representation in the Central Executive, and (3) undertaking from parties to accept certain general principles in regard to the safeguarding of the interest of the Scheduled Castes in the future constitution as a condition precedent for an interim Government. That the demands of the Scheduled Castes do not require the consent of other parties is a view which I had urged very strongly upon the Mission in the course of my interview on the 5th of April 1946. The demand for Separate Electorates by a Majority Community as is the case of Muslims in the Punjab, N.W.F. Province, Sind and

196 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES Bengal, stands on a different footing from the demand for Separate Electorates by a Minority Community such as the Scheduled Castes. A demand for Separate Electorates by a Majority Community must require the consent of the Minority Community. But the demand for Separate Electorates by a Minority Community can never be made dependent upon the wishes of the Majority Community. The Electorate is primarily a mechanism devised for protecting a Minority against the Majority. That being so, whether the Electorate should be joint or separate must be left entirely to Minority to determine on the ground that the Minority knows what is best in its own interest. The Majority can have no say in the matter and must really accept the decision of the Minority. Following this up, the Hindus can have very little to say as to whether the Scheduled Castes should or should not have Separate Electorates. The demand of the Scheduled Castes for Separate Electorates does not adversely affect any other community, not even the Hindus. That is why this demand is accepted by all other Communities. The contention of the Hindus that the Scheduled Castes are Hindus and therefore cannot have a Separate Electorates is simply purile and misses the essential point that Separate Electorates is really a mechanism for the protection of the minorities and has nothing to do with religion. If any evidence of this is necessary, one could refer to the case of Europeans, Anglo-Indians and Indian Christians who are all one by religion yet each have a Separate Electorate. If the Cabinet Mission took these facts and arguments into consideration there would be nothing unnatural if it accepted the contention of the Scheduled Castes that the consent of the Hindus is not necessary and that it was entirely a matter for the Cabinet Mission to decide, particularly when it has been proved that Joint Electorates have made representation of the Scheduled Castes a farce. The second demand of the Scheduled Castes that their representation in the Interim Government should be 50% of the representation granted to the Muslims is also a demand for which the consent of the Hindus is not necessary before it could be

197PROTEST LETTER . . . . . . CABINATE MISSION conceded. It is for the Mission to decide what representation the Scheduled Castes should have in the Central Executive having regard to their numbers and the weight of the disabilities they are suffering from and the lee-way they have to make to bring themselves in line with other advanced communities. You will remember that this question was raised by me at the time of the last Simla Conference and you were prepared to give two seats to the Scheduled Castes which was just a little less than 50 per cent offered to the Muslims. There is nothing new in the third demand. It is merely a reiteration of your own view which you expressed to Mr. Gandhi in your letter of 15th August 1944. In para 5 of that letter you said :-- “It is clear in these circumstances that no purpose will be served by discussion on the basis which you suggest. If, however, the leaders of the Hindus, the Muslims and the important minorities were willing to co-operate in a transitional Government established and working within the present constitution, I believe good progress might be made. For such a transitional Government to succeed, there must, before it is formed, be agreement in principle between Hindus and Muslims and all important elements as to the method by which the new constitution should be framed.” This principle which you enunciated must be presumed to have been made on behalf of His Majesty’s Government and as such it must be binding on the Cabinet Mission. Consent of parties would seem to be quite unnecessary for the Mission to give effect to this principle, which is all that the Scheduled Castes have demanded. If I may say so, these contentions have sufficient force to lead to the conclusion that Mission does not think that the consent of the Hindus is necessary before it can pronounce upon the demands of the Scheduled Castes and that this is why the Scheduled Castes have not been invited to sent their representatives to the Simla Conference.