Vol. 17, Part III · pages 511–515
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and His Egalitarian Revolution — Speeches
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482 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
must accept the advice of the Prime Minister and if he does
not accept the advice of the Prime Minister, the Prime Minister
shall force his ejection.” That being our convention, it would be
wrong on our part to defeat Mr. Baldwin, on an issue which
increases the authority of the King. And the Labour Party
listened to his advice and did nothing of the kind. They said,
they must observe the rules of the game. If you read English
history, you will find many such illustrations where the party
leaders have had before them many temptations to do wrong
to their opponents in office or in opposition by clutching at
an issue which gave them temporary power, but which they
refused to fall a prey to, because they knew that they would
damage the constitution and damage democracy.
There is one other thing which I think is very
necessary in the working of democracy and it is this
that in the name of democracy there must be no tyranny
of the majority over the minority. The minority must
always feel safe that although the majority is carrying on the
Government, the minority is not being hurt, or the minority
is not being hit below the belt. This is a thing which is very
greatly respected in the House of Commons. Good many of
you must be remembering the results of elections in England
in 1931 when Mr. Ramsay Mac Donald left the Labour Party
and formed the National Government. When the election came,
the Labour Party which I think numbered somewhere about
150 or so, had only 50 members out of 650 with Mr. Baldwin
as the Prime Minister. I was then there. But I have never
heard of a single instance of this small minority of 50 members
belonging to the Labour Party under the huge majority of the
conservatives ever complaining that they were denied their due
rights of speech, or opposition or making motions of any kind
as you probably know. You take our own Parliament. I am
not justifying what the members of the opposition are doing
by constantly bringing in motions of censure or adjournment
motions. It is not a very happy thing to work in parliament
to be constantly dunning these adjournment motions. All the
same, you must have noticed that there is hardly any motion,
whether of adjournment or censure which has been admitted
for the debate. It surprises me considerably. In my reading of
the English parliamentary debates I have very seldom come
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across a case where a demand for adjournment has been
refused either by the Speaker, provided of course it is an order
by the Government. When I was a member of the Bombay
Legislative Assembly, there were a few of our friends Mr.
Morarji, Mr. Munshi and Mr. Kher and others who were in
office. They never allowed a single motion of adjournment to
be discussed. Either our friend Mr. Mavlankar who was then
the Speaker helped them by ruling it out or as he admitted,
the Minister objected to it. You know what happens when
a Minister objects? When a Minister objects, the man who
proposes the adjournment motion has to produce 30 or 40
people, whatever the quota is. It may be that if Government
were constantly to oppose adjournment motions of the small
community which is represented in the house by a group of few
members such as 4, 5 or 6, such small minorities can never get
a chance to ventilate their grievances. What happens is that
these minorities develop a contempt for parliamentary people
and develop a revolutionary spirit something unconstitutional.
It is therefore necessary that when democracy is working, the
majority on which it is based, must not act in a tyrannical
manner.
One other point I will refer and then close. I think
that democracy does require the functioning of moral
order in society. Somehow, our political scientists have
never considered this aspect of democracy. Ethics is something
separate from politics. You may learn politics and you may
know nothing about ethics as though politics can work without
ethics. To my mind it is an astounding proposition. After all,
in democracy what happens? Democracy is spoken of as a free
Government. And what do we mean by free Government? Free
Government means that in vast aspects of social life people
are left free to carry on without interference of law, or if law
has to be made, then the law maker expects that society will
have enough morality in it to make the law a success. The only
person who, I think, has referred to this aspect of democracy
is Laski. In one of his books he has very categorically stated
that the moral order is always taken for granted in democracy.
If there is no moral order, democracy will go to pieces as it
is going now probably in our own country.
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The last thing that I refer to is that democracy
requires ‘public conscience.’ There is no doubt about it
that although there is injustice in every country, the injustice
is not equally spread. There are some where the impact of
injustice is very small. There are some against whom the
impact is very great. And there are some who are absolutely
crushed under the burden of injustice. One might very easily
cite the case of Jews in England. They were the people who
suffered certain injustice which the Christians never did.
What happened was that the Jews alone had to struggle in
order to get this injustice removed. But the English Christians
never helped them. In fact, they liked it. The only man who
helped the Jews in England was the King. This may be
extraordinary. But the reason also is extraordinary and the
reason is this: Under the old Christian law the children of
the Jews could not inherit the property of the father for no
other reason except that he was a Jew and not a Christian,
and the King being the residuary legatee of the State received
the property of a dead Jew. Now the king liked that sort of
thing. He was very happy. When the children of the dead
Jew went to the King in application the King handed over
to them a little bit of the property of their dead father and
kept the rest for himself. But as I said, no English man
ever helped the Jews, and the Jews continued to struggle for
their liberation. This is the result of what is called “public
conscience.” Public conscience means conscience which becomes
agitated at every wrong, no matter who is the sufferer and
it means that everybody whether he suffers that particular
wrong or not, is prepared to join him in order to get him
relieved. You take South Africa, the most recent example.
Well, the people who are suffering there are the Indians. Are
not they? The white people are not suffering yet you find this
Reverend Scott who is a white man doing his level best and
in order to get this injustice removed. Recently, I have been
reading that a large number of young boys and girls belonging
to the white race are also joining the struggle of the Indians
in South Africa. That is called “public conscience.” I do not
want to shock you, but sometimes I feel how forgetful we are.
We are talking about South Africa. I have been wondering
within myself whether we who are talking so much against
segregation and so on do not have South Africa in every village.
There is; we have only to go and see. There is South Africa
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485CONDITIONS.................OF DEMOCRACY
everywhere in the village and yet I have very seldom found
anybody not belonging to the scheduled class taking up the
cause of the scheduled class and lighting, and why? Because
there is no “public conscience.” Myself and my India is the
only world within which I am bound. I this sort of thing
happens, the minority which is suffering from injustice gets
no help from others for the purpose of getting rid of this
injustice. It again develops a revolutionary mentality which
puts democracy in danger. Now, as I said, what I have said
is not a series of dogmas which have been worked out by any
political scientists, but the result of what is impressed upon
me as a result of reading the political histories of various
countries, and I believe that these are the most essential
conditions I or the purpose of preserving democracy.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, I have no idea what has been
the underlying purpose or motive which led you to give me this
invitation. It might be that you wanted to add something to
your programme. I hope I have discharged that function. But
so far as I am concerned, I have no doubt about it that the
subject about which I have spoken this evening, to my mind,
is a subject of the greatest importance to this nation. We have
somehow developed the idea that we have got independence.
The Britishers have gone. We have got a constitution which
provides for democracy. Well what more do we want? We
cannot rest as we say on our ears, and do nothing more. Let
me warn you against this kind of smug feeling that with the
making of the constitution our task is done. It is not done. It
has only begun. You must remember that democracy is not
a plant which grows everywhere. It has grown in America.
It has grown in England. To some extent it has grown in
France. Yes these are examples by which we can lake a certain
amount of courage to ourselves lo see what has happened
elsewhere. You must be remembering that as a result of the
first European War and the break-up of the Austria-Hungarian
empire, Wilson created, on the basis of sell determination,
small nationalities independent of Austria. They all began
with democratic constitution, democratic government and (hey
had also fundamental rights provided in their constitution
which was made obligatory for them to have the Peace
Treaty of Versailes. My friends, what has happened to that
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486 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
democracy? Do you see any trace of it there now? It has all gone.
It has all vanished. They are probably under the dominance
or surveillence of other countries. There is no democracy
left. Take some of the most recent examples. Syria had got a
democratic government. After a few years there was a military
rebellion and the Commander-in-Chief of Syria became the
ruler of Syria and democracy vanished in air. Take another
example. What happened in Egypt ? There too, they had been
a democratic government beginning right from 1922 for 30
years. In one night Faruk had to leave and Nagib became the
dictator of Egypt and he abolished the Constitution.
With all these examples before us, I think we ought to be
very cautious and very considerate regarding our own future.
You ought to consider whether we ought not to take some
very positive steps in order to remove some of the stones and
the boulders which are lying in our path in order to make
our democracy safe. If, as a result of these few observations
I have made, I have effected in you a consciousness that this
is a problem on which we cannot afford to sleep, I think I
would thank myself for the work I have done. Now, ladies
and gentlemen, I do not wish to detain you long and I thank
for the kind attention with which you have listened to what
I have said.” 1
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1 : Booklet Printed by D. D. Gangal, Lokasangraha Press, 624 Sadashiv
Peth, Poona 2 and Published by V. B. Gogate. LL. B., Pleader, Hon. Secretary
Poona District Law Library, Poona 5.