Vol. 2 · pages 266–270
In the Bombay Legislature, with the Simon Commission and at the Round Table Conferences
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committee, and that was Mr. Thakkar, because I know that my
honourable friend the Prime Minister will far more readily accept
the testimony of Dr. Thakkar than of myself. Now. Sir, what was the
attitude of the majority of the Hindus towards the depressed classes in
the year 1928 ? I will just take your permission to read one paragraph
from this report. Para. 102 of this report says :
“Although we have recommended various remedies to secure to the
Depressed Classes their rights to all public utilities we fear that there
will be difficulties in the way of their exercising them for a long time
to come. The first difficulty is the fear of open violence against them by
the orthodox classes. It must be noted that the Depressed Classes form
a small minority in every village, opposed to which is a great majority
of the orthodox who are bent on protecting their interests and dignity
from any supposed invasion by the Depressed Classes at any cost. The
danger of prosecution by the Police has put a limitation upon the use of
violence by the orthodox classes and consequently such cases are rare.
The second difficulty arises from the economic position in which the
Depressed Classes are found today. The Depressed Classes have no
economic independence in most parts of the Presidency. Some cultivate
the lands of the orthodox classes as their tenants at will. Others live
on their earnings as farm labourers employed by the orthodox classes
and the rest subsist on the food or grain given to them by the orthodox
classes in lieu of service rendered to them as village servants. We have
heard of numerous instances where the orthodox classes have used their
economic power as a weapon against those Depressed Classes in their
villages, when the latter have dared to exercise their rights, and have
evicted them from their land and boycott is often planned on such an
extensive scale as to include the prevention of the Depressed Classes
from using the commonly used paths and the stoppage of sale of the
necessaries of life by the village Bania. According to the evidence,
sometimes small causes suffice for the proclamation of a social boycott
against the Depressed Classes. Frequently it follows on the exercise
by the Depressed Classes of their right to the use of the common well,
but cases have been by no means rare where a stringent boycott has
been proclaimed simply because a Depressed Class man has put on the
sacred thread, has bought a piece of land, has put on good clothes or
ornaments, or has carried a marriage procession with the bridegroom
on the horse through the public street.”
That was the condition in 1928. The question I should like to ask
is this : Has there been any change since 1928? Now, Sir, so far as
evidence is available to me, I have no hesitation in saying that the
situation has not only not changed, but has worsened. I will give a
few illustrations in order to support my contention.
The first thing I would refer to is the election of 1932 that took place
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248 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
to the Legislative Council. As my honourable friend the Prime Minister would
recall, in 1932 the Congress boycotted the legislature. They refused to fight
the elections. Now, Sir, the Congress in 1932—I stand to be corrected if the
date is wrong ; I quote it from memory—
An Honourable Member : It was 1930.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : 1930 ; the Congress in 1930 adopted various devices
to scare away people, to persuade people not to participate in the elections.
Sir, I should like to remind the House that that was the year in which
the civil disobedience movement had also begun. And, if I mistake not,
according to Congressmen, that is a momentous year, because it was the
year in which the Dandi March took place. Sir, what were the slogans that
were used by Congressmen in 1930 in order to prevent the people from
joining the legislature ? One slogan used by these people was this, so far as
I remember : Council may jana haram hay. But that was not all. The other
slogan was this : Council may kon jayaga ? Dhed jayaga ; Chamar jayaga.
These were the slogans that Congressmen had used. (Interruption). Please. If
my honourable friends want evidence, I will produce unimpeachable evidence.
And I may say in this House that the slogan was so insulting that even the
Times of India felt it necessary to write an editorial about it. Now, Sir, the
point that I was illustrating was this : that Hindus, even of the Congress
persuation,—who say that they have forgotten caste, who say that they
have forgotten religion, who say that they have forgotten untouchability—,
Hindus even of the Congress persuasion used that slogan. If, Sir, the pick
of the nation as I see here, the best informed, the most enlightened part
of the Hindu community, is capable of expressing this kind of abomination
towards a community so helpless, so downtrodden, what can you expect from
the orthodox to whom the law of Manu is far greater than the law passed
by my honourable friend the Prime Minister ?
Sir, let me take another case. I am taking mostly cases from Gujarat, for
a very deliberate reason, because I am told that that is the most enlightened
part of our presidency. The instance I am speaking of now comes from a
village called Kavita in Dholka taluka in the Ahmedabad district. Let us
all be particular about it. In this case, the facts were these. On a certain
day, a certain Brahmin of the village had assaulted certain members of the
untouchable community resident in Kavita. My honourable friend may note
that these facts are taken from the Harijan, the last word on it.
The Honourable Mr. B. G. Kher : I had been to that place ; I know the
incident. The honourable member need not quote it.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : The facts were these. A certain Brahmin assaulted
certain members of the untouchable community in that village. Thinking
in their impudence, if I may say so, that it was possible for these
untouchables to have a Brahmin prosecuted and punished, they took it
into their heads to go to the District Police to lodge a complaint against
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the assailant. In the meantime, what had happened was this. On the day
on which the male members of the untouchable quarters had gone out,
an invasion of the quarters of these untouchables took place by caste
Hindus of the village. Their houses were demolished, their roofs were
thrown out. Finding that the male members were not present to receive
blows, all these gentlemen lay in wait till evening thinking that these
people would return at night. Some women who had come to know their
plan sneaked out of the village and met the male members half way at
night and told them that it was most dangerous to come to the village,
because their life was not safe. These people spent the night outside the
village and did not return. The next day, they came back in a scattered
manner without being noticed, and managed to come to the village. They
found that all their huts were demolished. Subsequently, they came to
know that the village had declared a boycott. They were not allowed to
purchase anything from the village Bania. Not only that, the villagers
went further, purchased tins of kerosine oil and poured it into the
watering place from where these people used to get their water. Then,
they felt that something ought to be done. They thought, ill-advised as
they were, they should have recourse to law. They went again and lodged
a complaint. Some Congress friends of theirs intervened. What did they
do ? Did they help these poor untouchables to vindicate their rights ? No.
They persuaded them to withdraw the complaint and submit quietly. The
distressing part of the whole business is here. What wrong have these
untouchables of Kavita done ? Why were they persecuted in this manner ?
For no other reason but this. The untouchables of Kavita persisted in
sending four of their children and admitting them in the school where
they should be admitted according to the orders of Government.
The next case to which I am coming is the case of a Bhangi boy who
had the misfortune to be appointed a talati. His name is Parmar Kalidas
Shivram. With your indulgence, I propose to read what Parmar Kalidas
Shivram said at a public meeting in Bombay under the chairmanship
of Mr. Indulal Yagnik at which I was also present. I was tremendously
moved on hearing the story. I asked him to give me in writing the whole
thing. I have merely translated what he has given to me in writing. This
is the story :
“I passed the vernacular final examination in 1933. I have studied English
up to the 4th Standard. I applied to the Schools Committee of the Bombay
Municipality for employment as a teacher but I failed as there was no vacancy.
Then I applied to the Backward Class Officer, Ahmedabad, for the job of a
Talati and I succeeded. On the 19th February 1938, I was appointed a Talati
in the office of the Mamlatdar of the Borsad taluka in the Kaira district.
Although my family originally came from Gujarat I had never been in
Gujarat before. This was my first occasion to go there. Similarly, I did
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250 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
not know that untouchability would be observed in Government offices.
Besides, in my application the fact of my being a Harijan was mentioned,
and so I expected that my colleagues in the office would know before
hand who I was. That being so, I was surprised to find the attitude
of the clerk in the Mamlatdar’s office when I presented myself to take
charge of the post of Talati.
The Karkun contemptuously asked, “Who are you ?” I replied, “Sir, I
am a Harijan.” He said, “Go away, stand at a distance. How dare you
stand so near me. You are in office, if you were outside I would have
given you six kicks. What is this audacity to come here for service !”
Thereafter he asked me to drop on the ground my certificate and the
order of appointment as Talati. He then picked them up.
While I was working in the Mamlatdar’s office at Borsad I experienced
great difficulty in the matter of getting water to drink. In the verandah
of the office there were kept cans containing drinking water. There
was a waterman in charge of these water cans. His duty was to pour
out water to clerks in office whenever they needed it. In the absence
of the waterman they could themselves take water out of the cans and
drink it. That was impossible in my case. I could not touch the cans
for my touch would pollute the water. I had, therefore, to depend upon
the mercy of the Waterman. For my use there was kept a small rusty
pot. No one would touch it or wash it except myself. It was in this tin
that the waterman would dole out water to me. I could get water only
if the waterman was present. This waterman did not like the idea of
supplying me with water. Seeing that I was coming for it he would
manage to slip away with the result that I had to go without water
and the days on which I had nothing to drink were by no means few.
I had the same difficulties regarding my residence. I was a stranger
in Borsad. No caste Hindu would rent a house to me. The untouchables
of Borsad were not ready to give me lodgings for the fear of displeasing
the Hindus who did not like my attempt to live as a clerk. Far greater
difficulties were in regard to food. There was no place or person from
where I could get my meals. I used to buy ‘bhajias’ morning and
evening, eat them in some solitary place outside the village and come
and sleep at night on the payment of the verandah of the Mamlatdar’s
office. In this way I passed four days. All this became unbearable to
me. Then I went to live at Jentral, my ancestral village. It was six
miles from Borsad. Everyday I had to walk twelve miles. This I did
for a month and a half.
Thereafter the Mamlatdar sent me to a Talati to learn the work. This
Talati was in charge of three villages, Jentral, Kanpur and Saijpur. Jentral
was his headquarters. I was in Jentral with the Talati for two months.
The headman of the village was particularly hostile and offensive. Once
he said, “You fellow, your father, your brother are sweepers who sweep
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the village office and you want to sit in the office as our equal ! Take care,
better give up this job.”
One day the Talati called me to Saijpur to prepare the population table
of the village. From Jentral I went to Saijpur. I found the headman and
the Talati in the village office doing some work. I went, stood near the
door of the office and wished them good morning, but they took no notice
of me. I stood outside for about 15 minutes. I was already tired of life and
felt enraged at being thus ignored and insulted. I sat down on a chair that
was lying there. Seeing me seated on the chair the headman and the talati
quietly went away without saying anything to me. A short while after, some
people began to come to the village library. I could not understand why an
educated person should have led this mob. I subsequently learnt that the
chair was his. He started abusing me in the worst terms. Addressing the
Ravania, that is, the village servant, he said, “Who allowed this dirty dog
of a bhangi to sit on the chair ?” The Ravania unseated me and took away
the chair from me. I sat on the ground. Thereupon the crowd entered the
village office and surrounded me. It was a furious crowd ranging with anger,
some abusing me, some threatening to cut me to pieces with a dharia and I
implored them to excuse me and to have mercy upon me. That did not have
any effect upon the crowd. I did not know how to save myself. But an idea
came to me of writing to the Mamlatdar about the fate that had befallen
me and telling him how to dispose of my body in case I was killed by the
crowd. Incidentally, it was my hope that if the crowd came to know that I
was practically reporting against them to the Mamlatdar they might hold
their hand. I asked the Ravania to give me a piece of paper which he did.
Then with my fountain pen I wrote the following on it in big bold letters
so that everybody could read it :—
“To the Mamlatdar,
Taluka Borsad.
Sir,
Be pleased to accept the humble salutations of Parmar Kalidas Shivram.
This is to humbly inform you that the hand of a mean death is falling upon
me today. It would not have been so if I had listened to the words of my
parents. Be so good as to inform my parents of my death.”
Now, I will refer to certain instances showing the behaviour of the majority
towards the Scheduled Castes. One is the case from the Kekatnim-bhore
village, taluka Jamner. It is as follows :—
“The Depressed Class people of this village have given up observance
of any Hindu festival and have adopted a clean mode of living. One
holiday they were asked by the caste Hindu to provide for their Holi
cowdung from the fields. The Depressed Class people did so. But they
did not have Holi and hence they did not provide for fire to the caste
Hindus. Therefore the Hindus rushed into their colony, beat them in