Vol. 2 · pages 411–415
In the Bombay Legislature, with the Simon Commission and at the Round Table Conferences
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this end and should be welcomed particularly when its accomplishment can
reduce the cost of administration and give the Provinces full liberty to manage
its own affairs. This of course means that the position of the Secretary of
State vis-a-vis the Provincial Governments in the matter of recruitment to
the public service must be radically altered. The Secretary of State instead
of being the general employer and the Provincial Government indenting
upon him for the number of hands necessary for work in their provinces,
the Secretary of State in those cases where the recruitment in England is
necessary should merely act as the agent of particular provinces concerned,
on the terms prescribed by the Provincial Government and not on the terms
formulated by himself. The Provinces should henceforth cease as authorities
utilising the service of persons lent to them or found for them, so to say,
by the Secretary of State. So long such a system continues the Secretary
of State is bound to claim the powers which he now enjoys under Section
96B of the Government of India Act. Much is said by the Ministers against
the powers retained by the Secretary of State over the Civil Service on the
ground that they make responsible government impossible. That criticism is
perfectly valid. But those who urged this criticism do not seem to be aware
of the fact that these powers can be taken away only when the Secretary
of State ceases to be the recruiting officer.
124. If this reform of separation of services is carried into effect, I should
like to suggest the following classification of the Provincial Civil Service : —
Provincial Civil Service
Superior
Service
Subordinate
Service
Clerical
Service
Menial
Service
Class I equivalent to the present I.C.S.
and the Imperial Services.
Class II equivalent to the
present Provincial Services.
125. Recruitment Agency for the Provincial Civil Service. —The next
question that arises for consideration relates to the agency that should be
in charge of matters pertaining to the recruitment to the Provincial Civil
Service when the Secretary of State has ceased to perform that function.
I accept that the Civil Service in order that it may be free from the evil
effects of political influence and jobbery should be recruited and controlled
by an authority independent of the Ministers. I am not, however, prepared
to say that a Provincial Civil Service Commission could be instituted to
take charge of this kind of work. On financial considerations alone the
proposal seems to be too big. However, I agree with the suggestion that in
every province there should be a full-time officer specially charged with the
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consideration of service matters. He should be a liaison officer between the
Public Service Commission and the Local Government.
II. Indianisation of the Services
126. (i) Recruitment of Indians. —The case for Indianisation was accepted
by the Islington Commission in 1915. Its relation to the success of the
Reforms was emphasised by the authors of the Joint Report and the
Lee Commission gave effect to it by defining the proportion between the
Indians and the Europeans in the different services. There is, therefore, no
necessity to argue the case for Indianisation de novo. All that is necessary
to say is that during the interval that elapsed between the appointment
of the Islington Commission and the appointment of Lee Commission the
angle of vision regarding this question had completely altered. In the days
of the Islington Commission the question was, “How many Indians should
be admitted into the Public Services ?” At the time of the Lee Commission
it had become, “what is the minimum number of Englishmen which must
still be recruited ?” I am glad to say that the Lee Commission gave full
recognition to this altered angle of vision. What is now necessary is to
determine the necessary changes in the principles which were taken by the
Lee Commission for framing the proportions of Indians and Europeans so
as to accelerate the pace of Indianisation. The consideration that should,
in my opinion, govern the proportions is the requirement of a Department
and the merits of qualified Indians to run them. If this consideration were
adopted the proportions settled by the Lee Commission will have to be altered
in favour of Indians in all departments except Law and Order, Forest and
other Technical Departments.
127. (ii) Payment of Indians. —I press for Indianisation not only on its
own merits but also because of its potential effects on the finances of the
Province. For, I hope that Indianisation can be made to yield economy in
administration. I have not been personally able to see why equality of pay
to Indians and Europeans should be regarded as a necessary consequence
of membership of an All-India Service. Looking to the question from the
standpoint of merit I have been convinced that there is no logical justification
for equal remuneration for both classes of public servants. One class consists
of a body of public servants exiled from their own home and posted in a
country thousands of miles away in which they do not think that they can
properly educate their children or maintain their health. Conditions such as
these which compel them to maintain dual establishments at a standard of
living admittedly high are considerations which do not apply to those civil
servants who have their domicile in India. In contrast to their European
colleagues they are working in a country in which they are living free from
the difficulties of dual establishments not exposed to ill-health owing to
climatic considerations and accustomed to a comparatively low standard
of living. The financial burden they are obliged to carry is obviously less
pressing than is the case with their European colleagues. If this difference
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between personal risk and sacrifices involved in the performance of their
service is admitted, then in my opinion, there is no logical justification for
paying them on the same basis. Indeed, if the total position of the two classes
of public servants in India be compared then one thing is certain. That if
the present salary of European officers is adequate then it is beyond dispute
that the Indian officers are overpaid. If, however, the contention is that the
Indian officers are not overpaid then it follows that the European officers
are underpaid. Whichever view is taken the present practice of equal pay to
Indians and Europeans gives rise to a position which is quite unsatisfactory. I
have no hesitation in saying that under the present practice of equal payment
whether or not the European is adequately paid his Indian colleagues is
certainly overpaid. That being my view I am anxious to see that the scale of
salary of public servants with Indian domicile is lower. This argument, I am
sure, cannot fail to appeal to every Indian who examines the financial position
of the different Provincial Governments and the serious embarrassments in
which each is placed by reason of the high proportion of expenditure which
is devoted to the payment of emoluments to public servants. There are some
Indians I know who object to this principle of inequality in salaries. Be it
noted that these objections come from those classes of Indians from which
the Civil Service is largely recruited, and who claim to be the leaders of
the country. Theirs is a contemptible little argument without any substance
in it. It has no substance because inequality in status is not a necessary
consequence of inequality in pay. It is contemptible because it is based on
self-interest. I for myself am in favour of increasing Indianisation mainly
because of the large promise of economy which it holds out.
128. (iii) Indianisation and the claims of the Backward Classes. —It is
notorious that the Public Services of the country in so far as they are open
to Indians have become by reason of various circumstances a close preserve
for the Brahmins and allied castes. The Non-Brahmins, the Depressed Classes
and the Mohamedans are virtually excluded from them. They are carrying
on an intense agitation for securing to themselves what they regard as a
due share of the Public Services. With that purpose in view they prefer the
system of appointment by selection to the system of appointment by open
competition This is vehemently opposed by the Brahmins and the allied
castes on the ground that the interests of the State require that efficiency
should be the only consideration in the matters of appointment to public
offices and that caste and creed should count for nothing. Relying upon
educational merit as the only test which can be taken to guarantee efficiency,
they insist that public offices should be filled on the basis of competitive
examinations. Such a system it is claimed serves the ends of efficiency
without in any way prohibiting the entry of the Backward Classes in the
Public Services. For the competitive examination being open to all castes
and creeds it leaves the door open to a candidate from these communities
if he satisfied the requisite test.
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129. The attitude of the Brahmin and allied castes towards this question has
no doubt the appearance of fairness. The system of competitive examination
relied upon may result in fairness to all castes and creeds under a given set
of circumstances. But those circumstances presuppose that the educational
system of the State is sufficiently democratic and is such that facilities
for education are sufficiently widespread and sufficiently used to permit
all classes from which good public servants are likely to be forthcoming to
complete. Otherwise even with the system of open competition large classes
are sure to be left out in the cold. This basic condition is conspicuous by its
absence in India, so that to invite Backward Classes to rely upon the results
of competitive examination as a means of entry into the Public Services is
to practise a delusion upon them and very rightly the Backward Classes
have refused to be deceived by it.
130. Assuming therefore that the entry of the Backward Classes in
the Public Services cannot be secured by making it dependent upon open
competition, the first question that arises for consideration is, have the
Backward Classes a case for a favoured treatment ? Unless they can make
good their case they cannot expect any modification of the accepted principles
of recruitment by considerations other than those of efficiency pure and
simple. In regard to this important question I have no hesitation in stating
that the Backward Classes have a case which is overwhelming.
131. First of all those who lay exclusive stress upon efficiency as the basis
for recruitment in public services do not seem to have adequate conception of
what is covered by administration in modern times. To them administration
appears to be nothing more than the process of applying law as enacted by
the legislature. Beyond question that is a very incomplete understanding
of its scope and significance. Administration in modern times involves far
more than the scrutiny of statutes for the sake of knowing the regulations
of the State. Often times under the pressure of time or from convenience a
government department is now-a-days entrusted with wide powers of rulemaking for the purpose of administering a particular law. In such cases
it is obvious that administration cannot merely consist in applying the
law. It includes the making up of rules which have the force of law and
of working them out. This system of legislation by delegation has become
a very common feature of all modern governments and is likely to be on
the increase in years to come. It must be accepted as beyond dispute that
such wide powers of rule-making affecting the welfare of large classes of
people cannot be safely left into the hands of the administrators drawn from
one particular class which as a matter of fact is opposed to the rest of the
population in its motives and interests, does not sympathise with the living
forces operating in them, is not charged with their wants, pains, cravings
and desires and is inimical to their aspirations, simply because it comes out
best by the test of education.
132. But even assuming that administration involves nothing more than
the process of applying the law as enacted by the legislature it does not in
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the least weaken the case of the Backward Classes. For, officers who are
drawn from a particular caste and in whose mind consciousness of caste sits
closer than conscientious regard to public duty, may easily prostitute their
offices to the aggrandizement of their community and to the detriment of
the general public. Take the ordinary case of a Mamlatdar, administering
the law relating to the letting of Government lands for cultivation. He is no
doubt merely applying the law. But in applying he may pick and choose the
lessees according to his predilection and very possibly may decide against
lessees on grounds which may be communal in fact although they may be
non-communal in appearance. Take another illustration of an officer placed
in charge of the census department in which capacity he is called upon to
decide questions of nomenclature of the various communities and of their
social status. An officer in charge of this department by reason of his being
a member of particular caste in the course of his administration may do
injustice to a rival community by refusing to it the nomenclature or the status
that belongs to it. Instances of favouritism, particularly on the grounds of
caste and creed are of common occurrence though they are always excused
on some other plausible ground. But I like to quote one which pertains to
the Vishwakarmans of the Madras Presidency. It is related in their letter
to the Reforms Enquiry Committee of 1924 in which they complained
that “a Brahmin member of the Madras Executive Council Sir (then Mr.)
P. Siwaswami Ayyar—when he was in charge of the portfolio of law, issued
a Government Order objecting to the suffix ‘Acharya’ usually adopted by the
Vishwakarmans in their names and seeking to enforce in its place the word
‘Asry’, which is weighed with common odium. Though there was neither
necessity nor authority to justify the action taken by the law member,
the Government Order was published by the law department as if on the
recommendation of the Spelling Mistakes Committee. It happened to our
misfortune that the non-official members of this Committee were drawn largely
from the Brahmin community, who never knew how to respect the rights
of their sister communities and never informed us of the line of action that
they were decided upon. It was dealt more or less as the star in the dark.”
133. This is inevitable. Class rule must mean rule in terms of class
interests and class prejudices. If such results are inevitable then it must
raise a query in the minds of all honest people whether efficient government
has also given us good government ? If not, what is the remedy ? My view is
that the disadvantages arising from the class bias of the officers belonging
to Brahmin and allied castes has outweighed all the advantages attending
upon their efficiency and that on the total they have done more harm than
good. As to me remedy, the one I see is a proper admixture of the different
communities in the public service. This may perhaps import a small degree
of inefficiency. But it will supply a most valuable corrective to the evils of
class bias. This has become all the more necessary because of the social
struggles that are now going on in the country. The struggles between the