Vol. 2 · pages 671–675
In the Bombay Legislature, with the Simon Commission and at the Round Table Conferences
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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650 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
between British Provinces and Indian States, ought to consider the principle
of equity of contribution as between the two.
Chairman: Lord Peel no doubt will consider that. I wish you would mention
that again, if you would not mind, when we come to the full Conference.
Forty-fifth Sitting—4th November 1931
†Chairman : Now, that is the Report on which I want your comments.
Will you kindly go back now to paragraph 52 ?
Dr. Ambedkar: May I just say this with regard to paragraph 52? Your
Lordship will remember that, while we were discussing the jurisdiction of
the Federal Court, I raised the point that the Court, besides having the
jurisdiction to interpret the constitution and to see that neither the Provincial
Governments nor the Federal Government intervene in the sphere of the
other, should also have the jurisdiction to deal with matters arising out of
the fundamental rights or the minority rights. I think I was supported in
that also by Mr. Jayakar, and also, if I am right, by Mr. Sastri. Perhaps a
note might be made to that effect in this paragraph.
Chairman; I am obliged to Dr. Ambedkar, but I am happy to be able
to reassure him in this way—that when they are in the constitution, they
will naturally fall within the domain of the Federal Court’s interpretation.
Mr. Jayakar: That is included in the word “constitutional”
*****
‡Chairman: Now paragraph 62.
Dr. Ambedkar: I did not think there was unanimity regarding the
location of the Court at Delhi. I should have liked that this matter should
be investigated by some committee.
Mr. Jayakar: I made tine suggestion that it should be at a central place
somewhere, not Delhi, but some place where the Court could work for the
whole of the year, the climate being suitable for working during the whole
year.
Mr. Zafrullah Khan: All sorts, of suggestions were made from different
quarters, but I do not think that any single place had as much support as
Delhi.
Chairman: Now, please, paragraphs 63 and 64.
Forty-sixth Sitting—16th November 1931
Discussion on Future Procedure
§Dr. Ambedkar: I should like to know what view Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru
†Proceedings of the Federal Structure Committee and Minorities Committee, Vol. I, p. 908.
‡Ibid., p. 922.
§ Ibid., p. 979.
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651IN THE FEDERAL STRUCTURE COMMITTEE
has regarding the relationship which should subsist between the Army
Member and the Commander-in-Chief. Would the Commander-in-Chief be
merely the head of the department under the control and supervision of the
Minister or Member or would you give him certain powers with which the
Army Member would not have the right to interfere ?
Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru: I am not prepared to go into details, but as I
conceive the position of the Army Member he will deal with general questions
of policy, financial and otherwise, but he will have no power to deal with
technical or administrative matters relating to the Army and, if he is wise,
even if he has such power he will not exercise it. I have no personal knowledge
of the matter, but I appeal to my British colleagues here to say what exactly
the position in England is with regard to the Army. The Secretary of State
for War has probably no power to interfere with the internal discipline of
the Army but deals with big questions of policy. I cannot forget one period
of your Army history, the period of the -Duke of Cambridge.
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10
IN THE MINORITIES COMMITTEE
Seventh Sitting—28th September 1931
*Chairman: There are other minorities which are represented. If we
adjourn, they will have to see if they can get their point of view made ready
for expression. An adjournment would be useful only if those representatives
of the other sections would use the adjournment period for the purpose of
preparing something, and then handing in to me, in preparation for the
next meeting, a list of names of those who would like to take part in the
discussions. I am rather at a disadvantage this morning because nobody has
handed in his name. If you would like it, I could conduct this Conference in
such a way that you would break up in the course of two or three meetings.
That is exactly what I am determined shall not happen. In order to be able
to guide the discussion in a friendly and in a profitable way I should like
to know who is going to speak, and what points of view are going to be
put forward, so that the speakers might be called upon at the most helpful
moment. The idea is not to suppress speeches at all, but, in order that the
discussion shall proceed in such a way as to produce the maximum amount
of good. If you do adjourn now, please remember that the others of you are
coming to a bargain with me that you too will use this time for the purpose
of making preparations for a statement which will be brief, to the point,
and comprehensive, and, I beg of you, helpful. On that understanding, and
with that bargain, will you adjourn ?
Dr. Ambedkar: I would like to say one word before we adjourn. As regards
your suggestion — that while these negotiations are going on members of
the other minority communities should prepare their case — I should like
to say that, so far as the Depressed Classes are concerned, we have already
presented our case to the Minorities Sub-Committee last time.
The only thing which remains for me to do is to put before this Committee
a short statement suggesting the quantum of representation which we want
in the different Legislatures. Beyond that I do not think I am called upon
to do anything; but the point I am anxious to make at the very outset is
* Proceedings of the Federal Structure Committee and Minorities Committee, Vol, I, pp. 1337-38.
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653IN THE MINORITIES COMMITTEE
this. I have heard with great pleasure that further negotiations are going
to, take place for the settlement of the communal issue. But I would like to
make this matter absolutely plain at the very start. I do not wish that any
doubt should be left on this question at all. Those who are negotiating ought
to, understand that they are not plenipotentiaries at all; that whatever may
be the representative character of Mr. Gandhi or the Congress people, they
certainly are not in a position to bind us—certainly not. I say that most
emphatically in this meeting.
Another thing I want to say is this—that the claims put forward by
the various minorities are claims put forward by themselves irrespective
of the consideration as to whether the claims that they have put forward
are consistent with the claims of the other minorities. Consequently, any
negotiations which take place between one minority on the one hand and
the Congress or any other people for that matter on the other hand, without
taking into consideration the claims which have been put forward by the
other minorities can have no chance of success as far as I am concerned.
I want to make that absolutely plain. I have no quarrel with the question
whether any particular community should get weightage or not, but I do
want to say most emphatically that whoever claims weightage and whoever
is willing to give that weightage he must not give it— he cannot give it—out
of my share. I want to make that absolutely plain.
Sir Henry Gidney : I want to say a very few words, I wholeheartedly
associate myself with my friend Dr. Ambedkar. Representing a small
community as I do, I fail to see where I come in this transaction. If the
Congress on the one hand makes a settlement with the Muhammadans on the
other hand, where do the other minority communities come in ? You ask us
to settle our differences amongst ourselves and to present them individually.
We have already done so. At the last Conference I submitted the minimum
demands of the small community I represent. I want to make it abundantly
clear that in making this new map of India all minorities should have the
right of putting their own little spot on it and I do not see how we can if
the settlement here is going to be entirely a Hindu-Muslim pact
*****
†Chairman: Do not let there be any misunderstanding. This is the body
before which the final settlement must come, and the suggestion is merely
that if there are minorities or communities that hitherto have been in conflict
with each other, they should use a short time for the purpose of trying to
overcome their difficulties. That will be a step, and a very important and
essential step, towards a general agreement, but the agreement is going to
be a general one.
Dr. Ambedkar: I have made my position absolutely clear.
† Proceedings of the Federal Structure Committee and Minorities Committee, Vol. I, pp. 1338-39.
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654 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Chairman: Dr. Ambedkar’s position has been made absolutely clear ; in his
usual splendid way he has left no doubt at all about it, and that will come
up when this body resumes its discussions. What I would like to do is to get
you all to feel that we are co-operating together for a general settlement; not
for a settlement between any two or any three, but a complete settlement.
*****
†Dr. Ambedkar: I should like to suggest whether it would not be possible
for you to appoint a small Committee consisting of members drawn from
the various minority communities, along with the Congress representatives,
to sit in an informal manner and discuss this problem during the period of
the adjournment.
Chairman: I was going to make this suggestion. Do not ask me to appoint
that Committee ; do it yourselves. I have invited you to get together. Could
not you manage to hold an informal meeting amongst yourselves and talk
the matter over, and then when you speak here you will speak with some
sort of knowledge of the effect of what you are saying on others ? Could we
leave it in that way ?
Dr. Ambedkar: As you like.
Chairman: That would be far better.
Eighth Sitting—1st October 1931
‡Mr. Gandhi: Prime Minister, after consultation with His Highness The
Aga Khan and other Muslim friends last night, we came to the conclusion
that the purpose for which we meet here would be better served if a week’s
adjournment was asked for. I have not had the opportunity of consulting
my other colleagues, but I have no doubt that they will also agree in the
proposal I am making. I have been having with my Muslim friends anxious
conversations, and I had the pleasure of meeting some other friends also
last afternoon belonging to the different groups or classes. We were not able
to make much headway, but they too felt that the time at our disposal was
too short even for exchanging views. I may say for myself that beyond this
week’s adjournment I would not press for any further adjournment, but I
would report to this Committee what has been the result of the endeavour
I shall be making during the week.
I let out no secret when I inform this Committee that His Highness and
the other friends with whom I was closeted last night laid upon my shoulders
the burden of calling representatives of the different groups together and
holding consultations with a view to arriving at some final settlement. If
this proposal of mine commends itself to you, Prime Minister, and to the
† Proceedings of the Federal Structure Committee and Minorities Committee, Vol. I, p. 1340.
‡Ibid., pp. 1340-45.