Vol. 3 · pages 286–290
Philosophy of Hinduism; Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Ancient India; Buddha or Karl Marx
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Manu warns the King against displeasing the Bramhans in the
following terms :—
IX. 313. Let him (the King) not, though fallen unto the deepest distress,
provoke Bramhans to anger; for they, when angered, could instantly
destroy him together with his army and his vehicles.
Manu further proclaims,
XI. 31. A Bramhana who knows the law need not bring any (offence)
to the notice of the king; by his own power alone he can punish those
men who injure him.
XI. 32. His own power is greater than the power of the king;
The Bramhana, therefore, may punish his foes by his own power alone.
This deification of the Brahmins, placing them even above the King
would have been impossible unless the King himself was a Brahmin
and in sympathy with the view expressed by Manu. Pushyamitra and
his successors could not have tolerated these exaggerated claims of
the Brahmins unless they themselves were Brahmins interested in the
establishment of Bramhanism. Indeed it is quite possible that the Manu
Smriti was composed at the command of Pushyamitra himself and forms
the book of the philosophy of Bramhanism.
Taking all these facts into considerations there can remain no doubt;
the one and only object of Pushyamitra’s revolution was to destroy
Buddhism and re-establish Bramhanism.
The foregoing summary of the political history of India would have
been quite unnecessary for the immediate purpose of this chapter if
I was satisfied with the way in which the history of India is written.
But frankly I am not satisfied. For too much emphasis is laid on the
Muslim conquest of India. Reels and reels have been written to show
how wave after wave of Muslim invasions came down like avalanche
and enveloped the people and overthrew their rulers. The whole history
of India is made to appear as though the only important thing in it is
a catalogue of Muslim invasions. But even from this narrow point of
view it is clear that the Muslim invasions are not the only invasions
worth study. There have been other invasions equally if not of greater
importance. If Hindu India was invaded by the Muslim invaders so
was Buddhist India invaded by Bramhanic invaders. The Muslim
invasions of Hindu India and the Bramhanic invasions of Buddhist
India have many similarities. The Musalman invaders of Hindu India
fought among themselves for their dynastic ambitions. The Arabs,
Turks, Mongols and Afghans fought for supremacy among themselves.
But they had one thing in common—namely the mission to destroy
idolatory. Similarly the Bramhanic invadars of Buddhist India fought
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among themselves for their dynastic ambitions. The Sungas, Kanvas and
the Andhras fought for supremacy among themselves. But they, like the
Muslim invaders of Hindu India, had one object in common that was to
destroy Buddhism and the Buddhist Empire of the Mauryas. Surely if
Muslim invasions of Hindu India are worthy of study at the hands of
the historians, the invasions of Buddhist India by Bramhanic invaders
are equally deserving of study. The ways and methods employed by
the Bramhanic invaders of Buddhist India to suppress Buddhism were
not less violent and less virulent than the ways and means adopted
by Muslim invaders to suppress Hinduism. From the point of view
of the permanent effect on the social and spiritual life of the people,
the Bramhanic invasions of Buddhist India have been so profound in
their effect that compared to them, the effect of Muslim invasions on
Hindu India have been really superficial and ephemeral. The Muslim
invaders destroyed only the outward symbols of Hindu religion such as
temples and Maths etc. They did not extirpate Hinduism nor did they
cause any subversion of the principles or doctrines which governed the
spiritual life of the people. The effects of the Bramhanic invasions were
a thorough-going change in the principles which Buddhism had preached
for a century as true and eternal principles of spiritual life and which
had been accepted and followed by the masses as the way of life. To
alter the metaphor the Muslim invaders only stirred the waters in the
bath and that too only for a while. Thereafter they got tired of stirring
and left the waters with the sediments to settle. They never threw the
baby—if one can speak of the principles of Hinduism as a baby—out
of the bath. Bramhanism in its conflict with Buddhism made a clean
sweep. It emptied the bath with the Buddhist Baby in it and filled the
bath with its own waters and placed in it its own baby. Bramhanism
did not care to stop how filthy and dirty was its water as compared
with the clean and fragrant water which flowed from the noble source
of Buddhism. Bramhanism did not care to stop how hideous and ugly
was its own baby as compared with the Buddhist baby. Bramhanism
acquired by its invasions political power to annihilate Buddhism and
it did annihilate Buddhism. Islam did not supplant Hinduism. Islam
never made a thorough job of its mission. Bramhanism did. It drove out
Buddhism as a religion and occupied its place.
These facts show that Brahmanic invasions of Buddhist India have
a far greater significance to the Historian of India than the Muslim
invasions of Hindu India can be said to have produced. Yet very little
space is devoted by historians to the vissicitudes which befell Buddhist
India built up by the Mauryas and even where that is done they have
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not cared to deal in a pointed manner with questions that quite naturally
arise: questions such as, who were the Sungas, Kanavas and Andhras;
why did they destroy the Buddhist India which was built up by the
Mauryas, nor has any attempt been made to study the changes that
Brahmanism after its triumph over Buddhism brought about in the
political and social structure.
Failure to appreciate this aspect of India’s history is due to the
prevalence of some very wrong notions. It has been commonly supposed
that the culture of India has been one and the same all throughout history;
that Brahmanism, Buddhism, Jainism are simply different phases and
that there has never been any fundamental antagonism between them.
Secondly it has been assumed that whatever conflicts have taken place
in Indian politics were purely political and dynastic and that they had
no social and spiritual significance. It is because of these wrong notions
that Indian history has become a purely mechanical thing, a record of
one dynasty succeeding another and one ruler succeeding another ruler.
A corrective to such an attitude and to such a method of writing history
lies in recognition of two facts which are indisputable.
In the first place it must be recognized that there has never been
such as a common Indian culture, that historically there have been
three Indias, Brahmanic India, Buddhist India and Hindu India, each
with its own culture. Secondly it must be recognized that the history
of India before the Muslim invasions is the history of a mortal conflict
between Bramhanism and Buddhism. Any one who does not recognize
these two facts will never be able to write a true history of India, a
history which will disclose the meaning and purpose running through
it. It is a corrective to Indian history written as it is and to disclose
the meaning and purposes running through it that I was obliged to recast the history of the Brahmanic invasions of Buddhist India and the
political triumph of Brahmanism over Buddhism.
We must therefore begin with the recognition of the fact: Pushyamitra’s
revolution was a political revolution engineered by the Brahmins to
overthrow Buddhism.
The curious will naturally ask what did this triumphant Brahmanism
do? It is to this question that I will now turn. The deeds or misdeeds
of this triumphant Brahmanism may be catalogued under seven heads.
(1) It established the right of the Brahmin to rule and commit regicide.
(2) It made the Bramhins a class of privileged persons. (3) It converted
the Varna into caste. (4) It brought about a conflict and anti-social
feeling between the different castes. (5) It degraded the Shudras and
the women (6) It forged the system of graded inequality and (7) It made
legal and rigid the social system which was conventional and flexible.
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To begin with the first.
The revolution brought about by Pushyamitra created an initial difficulty
in the way of the Brahmins. People could not be easily reconciled to this
revolution. The resentment of the public was well expressed by the poet Bana1
when in referring to this revolution reviles Pushyamitra as being base born
and calls his act of regicide as Anarya. The act of Pushyamitra was properly
described by Bana as Anarya i.e. contrary to Aryan law. For on three points
the Aryan law at the date of Pushyamitra’s revolution was well settled. The
then Aryan law declared (1) That Kingship is the right of the Kshatriya. only.
A Brahmin could never be a king. (2) That no Brahmin shall take to the
profession of Arms 2 and (3) That rebellion against the King’s authority was
a sin. Pushyamitra in fostering the rebellion had committed a crime against
each of these three laws. He was Brahmin, and although a Brahmin he
rebelled against the King, took to the profession of Arms and became a King.
People were not reconciled to this usurption which constituted so flagrant a
breach of the law that the Brahmins had to regularize the position created
by Pushyamitra. This the Brahmins did by taking the bold step of changing
the law. This change of law is quite manifest from the Manu Smriti. I will
quote the appropriate shlokas from the Code:
XII. 100. “The post of the Commander-in-Chief of the Kingdom, the very
Headship of Government, the complete empire over every one are deserved
by the Brahmin.”
Here we have one change in the law. This new law declares that the
Brahmin has a right to become Senapati (Commander of forces), to conquer
a kingdom, and to be the ruler and the Emperor of it.
XI. 31. A Brahmin, who well knows the laws, need not complain to the
king of any grievous injury; since, even by his own power, he may chastise
those, who injure him.
XI. 32. His (Brahmin’s) own power, which depends on himself alone is
mightier than the royal power, which depends on other men; by his own
might, therefore may a Brahmin coerce his foes.
1 Harsha Charita, quoted by Smith (1924) p. 208.
2 The rule was so strict that according to the Apastamba Dharmasutra ‘A Brahman shall
not take up a weapon in his hand though he be only desirous of examining it.’ It may be
matter of some surprize how Pushyamitra who was a Brahmans could have done a deed
which could under the circumstances be expected only from a member of the martial race.
This difficulty is well explained by Harprasad Shastri. According to him the Sungas though
Brahmins were a martial race. Among the fighting Brahmans, two were distinguished
among the rest, the Vishwamitras and the Bharadvajas. The wife of Vishvamitra Brahmin
proving barren, a Bharadvaj was requested by the ancient custom of ‘Niyoga’ to beget a
son on Vishvamitra’s. The issue was Sung. He was the progenitor of a Gotra and that
Gotra took up the Samveda for their study. The Sungas were called a Dvayamushyam
gotra i.e. a gotra issuing from the two gotras, Vishvamitra and Bharadvaj both of which
had taken to military occupation— See Buddhistic Studies (Ed. by Law) Ch. XXXIV, p. 820.
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XI. 261-62. A Brahmin who has killed even the peoples of the three
worlds, is completely freed from all sins on reciting three times the Rig,
Yajur or Sama.-Veda with the Upanishadas.”
Here is the second change in the law. It authorized the Brahmin to
kill not only the king but to engage in a general massacre of men if
they seek to do injury to his power and position.
VIII. 348. “The twice born man may take arms, when the rightful
occupation assigned to each by Dharma is obstructed by force; and when,
in some evil time, a disaster has befallen the twice-born classes.”
IX. 320. Of a Kshatriya (Military man or king), who raise his arm
violently on all occasions against the Brahmins, Brahmin himself shall be
the chastiser; since the soldier originally proceeded from the Brahmin.”
This is the third legal change. It recognized the right to rebellion and
the right to regicide. The new law is very delicately framed. It gives
the right of rebellion to three higher classes. But it is also given to the
Brahmins singly by way of providing for a situation when the Kshatriyas
and the Vaishyas may not be prepared to join the Brahmin in bringing
about a rebellion. The right of rebellion is well circumscribed. It can
be exercised only when the king is guilty of upsetting the occupations
assigned by Manu to the different Varnas.
These legal changes were as necessary as they were revolutionary. Their
object was to legalize and regularize the position created by Pushyamitra
by killing the last Maurya King. By virtue of these legal changes, a
Brahmin could lawfully become a king, could lawfully take arms, could
lawfully depose or murder a king who was opposed to Chaturvarna and
could lawfully kill any subject that opposed the authority of the Brahmin.
Manu gave the Brahmins a right to commit Barthalomeu if it became
necessary to safeguard their interests.
In this way Brahmanism established the right of Brahmana to rule
and set at rest whatever doubt and dispute there was regarding the
same. But that could hardly be enough for the Brahmins as a whole.
It may be a matter of pride but not of any advantage. There can be no
special virtue in Brahmin rule if the Brahmin was treated as common
man along with the Non-Brahmins having the same rights and same
duties. Brahmin rule if it is to justify itself, it must do so by conferring
special privileges and immunities on the Brahmins as a class. Indeed
Pushyamitra’s Revolution would have been an ill wind blowing no
good if it had not recognized the superior position of the Brahmins
and conferred upon them special advantages. Manu was alive to this
and accordingly proceeds to create monopolies for Brahmins and grant
them certain immunities and privileges as may be seen from the Code.