Vol. 3 · pages 306–310
Philosophy of Hinduism; Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Ancient India; Buddha or Karl Marx
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THE TRIUMPH OF BRAHMANISM
Mark the disguest Manu shows with regard to the Shudra woman.
Mark what Manu says about the food of the Shudra. He says it is
as impure as semen or urine.
These two laws have produced the caste system. Prohibition of
intermarriage and prohibition against interdining are two pillars on
which it rests. The caste system and the rules relating to intermarriage
and interdining are related to each other as ends to means. Indeed by
no other means could the end be realized.
The forging of these means shows that the creation of the caste system
was end and aim of Brahmanism. Brahmanism enacted the prohibitions
against intemarriage and interdining. But Brahmanism introduced
other changes in the social system and if the purposes underlying these
changes are those which I suggest them to be, then it must be admitted
that Brahmanism was so keen in sustaining the caste system that it
did not mind whether ways and means employed were fair or unfair,
moral or immoral. I refer to the laws contained in the Code of Manu
regarding marriage of girls and the life of widows.
See the law that Manu promulgates regarding the marriage of females.
IX. 4. Reprehensible is the father who gives not (his daughter) in
marriage at the proper time.
IX. 88. To a distinguished, handsome suitor of equal caste should a
father give his daughter in accordance with the prescribed rule, though
she have not attained (the proper age), i.e. although she may not have
reached puberty.
By this rule Manu enjoins that a girl should be married even though
she may not have reached the age of puberty i.e. even when she is a
child.
Now with regard to widows Manu promulgates the following rule.
V. 157. At her pleasure let her (i.e. widow) emaciate her body, by
living voluntarily on pure flowers, roots and fruits; but let her not,
when her lord is deceased, even pronounce the name of another man.
V. 161. But a widow, who from a wish to bear children, slights her
deceased husband by marrying again, brings disgrace on herself here
below, and shall be excluded from the seat of her lord (in heaven).
V. 162. Offspring begotten on a woman by any other than her husband,
is here declared to be no progeny of hers; no more than a child, begotten
on the wife of another man belongs to the begetter; nor is a second
husband any where prescribed for a virtuous woman.
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294 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
This is the rule of enforced widowhood for a woman. A reference may
also be made to Sati or a widow who burns herself on the funeral pyre
of her husband and thus puts an end to her life. Manu is silent about it.
Yajnavalkya1 an authority nearly as great as Manu says, she must
not live separately or alone.
86. When deprived of her husband, she must not remain away from
her father, mother, son, brother, mother-in-law or from her maternal
uncle; otherwise she might become liable to censure.
Here again Yajnavalkya does not suggest that a widow become a
Sati. But Vijnaneshwar, the author of Mitakshara a commentary on
Yajnavalkya Smriti makes the following observation in commenting on
the above Sloka.
“This is in the case of the alternative of leading a celibate life vide
the text of Vishnu 2: “After the death of the husband, either celibacy or
ascending the (cremation) pile after him.”
Vijnaneshwar 3 adds as his opinion that ‘There is great merit in
ascending the funeral pyre after him.’
From this one can very easily and clearly see how the rule of Sati came
to be forged. Manu’s rule was that a widow was not to remarry. But it
appears from the statement by Vijnaneshwar that from the time of the
Vishnu Smriti a different interpretation began to put on the ordinance
of Manu. According to this new interpretation Manu’s rule was explained
to be offering to the widow a choice between two alternatives: (1) Either
burn yourself on your husband’s funeral pyre or (2) If you don’t, remain
unmarried. This of course is totally false interpretation quite unwarranted
by the clear words of Manu. Somehow it came to be accepted. The date
of the Vishnu Smriti is somewhere about the 3rd or 4th Century. It can
therefore be said that rule of Sati dates from this period.
One thing is certain, these were new rules. The rule of Manu that
girl should be married before she has reached puberty is a new rule.
In Pre-Buddhistic Brahmanism 4 marriages were performed not only
after puberty but they were performed when girls had reached an age
when they could be called grown up. Of this there is ample evidence.
Similarly the rule that a woman once she had lost her husband
must not remarry is a new rule. In the Pre-Buddhist Brahmanism
there was no prohibition on widow remarriage. The fact that the
Sanskrit language contains words such as Punarbhu (woman who has
1 The date of the Yajnavalkya Smriti is betwen 150-200 A.D.
2 Vishnu Smriti Ch. XXV 14.
3 He wrote his Mitakshara between 1070 and 1100 A.D.
4 See kane—History of Dharmashastra I. Part I. page.
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undergone a second marriage ceremony) and punarbhav (second husband)
show that such marriages were quite common under the Pre-Buddhist
Brahmanism.1 With regard to Sati the position as to when it arose, 2
there is evidence to suggest that it existed in ancient times. But there is
evidence that it had died out and it was revived after Brahmanism under
Pushyamitra obtained its victory over Buddhism although it was some time
later than Manu.
Question is this, why these changes were made by the triumphant
Brahmanism? What did Brahmanism want to achieve by having girls
married before they had become pubert, by denying the widow to the right
to marry again and by telling her to put herself to death by immolating
herself in the funeral pyre of her deceased husband? No explainations are
forthcoming for these changes. Mr. C. V. Vaidya who offers an explanation
for girl marriage says 3 that girl marriage was introduced to prevent girls
from joining the Buddhist order of nuns. This explanation does not satisfy
me. Mr. Vaidya omits to take into consideration another rule laid down by
Manu—namely the rule relating to suitable age for marriage. According
to that rule.
IX. 94. A man, aged thirty, shall marry a maiden of twelve who pleases
him, or a man of twenty-four a girl eight years of age.
The question is not why girl marriage was introduced. The question is
why Manu allowed so much discrepancy in the ages of the bride and the
bridegroom.
Mr. Kane 4 has attempted an explanation of Sati. His explanation is
that there is nothing new in it. It existed in India in ancient times as it
did in other parts of the world. This again does not satisfy the world. If it
existed outside India, it has not been practised on so enormous a scale as in
India. Secondly if traces of it are found in Ancient India in the Kshatriyas,
why was it revived, why was it not universalized? There is no satisfactory
explanation. Mr. Kane’s explanation that the prevalence of Sati by reference
to laws of inheritance does not appear to me very convincing. It may be
that because under the Hindu Law of inheritance as it prevailed in Bengal,
women got a share in property. The relations of the husband of the widow
pressed her to be a Sati in order to get rid of a share may explain why
Sati was practised on so large a scale in Bengal. But it does not explain
how it arose nor how it came to be practised in other parts of India.
Again with regard to the prohibition of widow remarriage, there
is no explanation whatsoever. Why was the widow, contrary to
1 See Kane—History of Dharmashastra, Vol. II, Part II Chapt.
2 The available evidence on Sati has been collected by Kane in his History of Dharmashastra
Vol. II Part I pp. 617-636.
3 History of India Vol. II.
4 History or Dharmashastra.
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296 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
established practice, prohibited from marrying? Why was she required
to lead a life of misery? Why was she disfigured?
My explanation for girl marriage, enforced widowhood and Sati is
quite different and I offer it for what it is worth. 1
“Thus the superposition of endogamy over exogamy means the
creation of Caste. But this is not an easy affair. Let us take an
imaginary group that desire to make itself into a caste and analyse
what means it will have to adopt to make itself endogamous. If a
group desires to make itself endogamous, a formal injunction against
intermarriage with outside groups will be of no avail, especially if
prior to the introduction of endogamy, exogamy were to be the rule
in all matrimonial relations. Again there is a tendency in all groups
living in close contact with one another to assimilate and amalgamate,
and thus consolidate into a homogeneous society. If this tendency be
strongly counteracted in the interest of Caste formation, it is absolutely
necessary to circumscribe a circle without which people should not
contract marriages.”
“Nevertheless this encircling to prevent marriages from without
creates problems from within which are not very easy of solution.
Roughly speaking in a normal group the two sexes are more or less
evenly distributed, and generally speaking there is an equality between
those of the same age. But this equality is never quite realised in actual
societies. While to the group that is desirous of making itself into a
caste the maintenance of this equality between the sexes becomes the
ultimate goal, for without this endogamy can no longer subsist. In other
words, if endogamy is to be preserved, conjugal rights from within have
to be provided for, else members of the group will be driven out of the
circle to take care of themselves in any way they please. But in order
that the conjugal rights be provided for from within, it is absolutely
necessary to maintain a numerical equality between the marriageable
units of the two sexes within the group desirous of making itself into
a Caste. It is only through the maintenance of this equality that the
necessary endogamy of the group could be kept intact, and a very
large disparity is sure to break it.”
“The problem of Caste then ultimately resolves itself into one of
repairing the disparity between the marriageable units of the two sexes
within it. The much needed parity between the units could be realized
only when a couple dies simultaneously. But this is a rare contingency.
The husband may die before the wife and create a surplus woman who
must be disposed of, else through intermarriage she will violate the
endogamy of the group. In like manner the husband may survive his
1 They will be found in my paper on “Castes in India” which appeared in The Indian
Antiquarry for May, 1917.
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wife and be a surplus man whom the group, while it may sympathise
with him for the sad bereavement, has to dispose of, else he will
marry outside the Caste and will break the endogamy. Thus both the
surplus man and the surplus woman constitute a menace to the Caste
if not taken care of, for, not Finding suitable partners inside their
prescribed circle (and they cannot find any, for there are just enough
pairs to go round) very likely they will transgress the boundary, marry
outside and import population that is foreign to the Caste. Let us see
what our imaginary group is likely to do with this surplus man and
surplus woman. We will first take up the case of the surplus woman.
She can be disposed of in two different ways so as to preserve the
endogamy of the Caste.”
“First : burn her on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband and
get rid of her. This, however, is rather an impracticable way of solving
the problem of sex disparity. In some cases it may work, in others it
may not. Consequently every surplus woman cannot thus be disposed
of, because it is an easy solution but a hard realization. However, the
surplus woman (widow) if not disposed of, remains in the group: but
in her very existence lies a double danger. She may marry outside the
Caste and violate to endogamy or she may marry within the Caste
and through competition encroach upon the chances of marriage that
must be reserved for the potential brides in the Caste. She therefore
is a menace in any case and something must be done to her if she
cannot be burned along with her deceased husband.”
“The second remedy is to enforce widowhood on her for the rest of
her life. So far as the objective results are concerned burning is a better
solution than enforcing widowhood. Burning the widow eliminates all
the three evils that a surplus woman is fraught with. Being dead and
gone she creates no problem of remarriage either inside or outside
the Caste. But compulsory widowhood is superior to burning because
it is more practicable. Besides being comparatively humane it also
guards against the evils of remarriage as does burning; but it fails to
guard the morals of the group. No doubt under compulsory widowhood
the woman remains and, just because she is deprived of her natural
right of being a legitimate wife in future, the incentive to bad moral
conduct is increased. But this is by no means an insuperable’ difficulty.
She can be degraded to a condition where she could no longer be a
source of allurement.”
“The problem of surplus man (—widower) is much more important
and much more difficult than that of the surplus woman in a group
that desires to make itself into a Caste. From time immemorial man
as compared with woman has had the upper hand. He is a dominant