Vol. 5 · pages 241–245

226 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES OTHER BRAHMINS OF SOUTH INDIA In this category fall the following: (1) The Konkani Brahmins 1, (2) The Hubu 2, (3) The Gaukarna 3, (4) The Havika 4, (5) The Tulva 5, (6) The Amma Kodaga 6, (7) The Nambudri7. The Nambudri Brahmins are the principal group of Brahmins living in Malabar. Besides the Nambudris there are also other sections of Brahmins. They are: (1) The Pottis, (2) The Muttadus, (3) The Fledus, (4) The Ramnadwrit Parasahas, (5) The Pattaras, (6) The Ambalvasis. OTHER RAJPUTA BRAHMINS The Varieties of Rajputa Brahmins not mentioned in the list of Gurjar Brahmins are: (1) The Shrimalis Brahmins, (2) The Sachoda Brahmins, (3) The Pallivalar Brahmins, (4) The Nandanas Brahmins, (5) The Pushakars Brahmins, (6) The Pokhar Sevakas Brahmins, (7) The Medatvala, (8) The Parikha Brahmins, (9) The Lavanas Brahmins, (10) The Dakotas Brahmins, (11) The Garudiyas Brahmins, (12) The Acharjas, (13) The Bura Brahmins, (14) The Kapidas, (15) The Dahimas, (16) The Khandelvalas, (17) The Divas, (18) The Sikavadas, (19) The Chamatvalas, (20) The Marus, (21) The Shrivantas, (22) The Abhiras, (23) The Bhartanas, (24) The Sanacadas, (25) The Vagadis, (26) The Mewadas, (27) The Rajgurus, (28) The Bhats, (29) The Charanas. zz 1 The Konkani Brahmins are to be distinguished from the Konkansthas who belong to Maharashtra. The Konkani Brahmins belong to the Portuguese territory of Goa. 2 They come from Karwar. 3 They come from.( Place not mentioned in MS. — Ed.) 4 They are to be found in the vicinity of Tellicheri. 5 They arc to be found near about Udipi. 6 They arc to be found in Coorg.

BOOK III Political Seven essays on the political issues previously not published have been included under the category ‘Political’ in this Book.

CHAPTER 20 FROM MILLIONS TO FRACTIONS I. Population of the Untouchables long unknown. II. The Census of 1911 and the first attempt at separate enumeration. III. Confirmation of the findings of 1911 Census. IV. Lothian Committee and the Hindu cry of “no Untouchables”. V. Reasons for the cry. VI. Attitude of the Backward Classes and the Muslims. I What is the total population of the Untouchables of India? This is bound to be the first question that a person who cares to know anything about them is sure to ask. It is now easy to answer this question. For the Census of India taken in 1931 gives it as 50 millions. While it is possible now to give more or less exact figures of the Untouchable population in India it was not possible to do so for a long time. This was due to various causes. Firstly untouchability is not a legal term. There is no exact legal definition of untouchability whereby it could be possible to define who is an Untouchable and who is not. Untouchability is a social concept which has become embodied in a custom and as custom varies so does untouchability. Consequently there is always some difficulty in the way of ascertaining the population of the Untouchables with mathematical exactitude. Secondly there has always been serious opposition raised by high caste Hindus to the enumeration by caste in the Census Report. They have insisted on the omission of the question regarding caste from the schedules and the suppression of the classification of the population by caste and tribe. A proposal to this effect was made in connection with the 1901 Census mainly on the ground that the distribution of various castes and tribes in the population changed at large intervals and that it was not necessary to obtain figures at each decennial enumeration. These grounds of objection did not have any effect on the Census Commissioner. In the opinion of the Census Commissioner enumeration by caste was important and necessary. It was argued by the Census Commissioner that,

230 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES “Whatever view may be taken of the advantages or disadvantages of caste as a social institution, it is impossible to conceive of any useful discussion of the population questions in India in which caste would not be an important element. Caste is still ‘the foundation of the Indian social fabric,’ and the record of caste is still ‘the best guide to the changes in the various social strata in the Indian Society’. Every Hindu (using the term in its most elastic sense) is born into a caste and his caste determines his religious, social, economic and domestic life from the cradle to the grave. In western countries the major factors which determine the different strata of society, viz, wealth, education and vocation are fluid and catholic and tend to modify the rigidity of birth and hereditary position. In India spiritual and social community and traditional occupation override all other factors. Thus, where in censuses of western countries, an economic or occupational grouping of the population affords a basis for the combination of demographic statistics, the corresponding basis in the case of the Indian population is the distinction of religion and caste. Whatever view may be taken of caste as a national and social institution, it is useless to ignore it, and so long as caste continues to be used as one of the distinguishing features of an individual’s official and social identity, it cannot be claimed that a decennial enumeration helps to perpetuate an undesirable institution.” The objections to the enumeration by castes in the census were urged with greater force on the occasion of the census of 1911 when the special questionnaire containing ten tests was issued for the purpose of grouping together castes which satisfied those tests. There was no doubt that those tests were such as would mark off the Depressed Classes from the Caste Hindus. It was feared by the Caste Hindus that this circular was the result of the Muslim Memorial to the Secretary of State and its aim was to separate the Depressed Classes from the Hindus and thereby to reduce the strength of the Hindu Community and its importance. This agitation bore no fruit and the objection of separately enumerating in the Census Report those castes which satisfied those ten tests was carried out. The agitation however did not die out. It again cropped up at the Census of 1920. At this time, effort was made to put forth the objection to the caste return in a formal manner. A resolution was tabled in the Imperial Legislative Council in 1920 attacking the caste inquiry on the grounds (a) that it was undesirable to recognize and perpetuate, by official action, the system of caste differentiation and (b) that in any case the returns were inaccurate and worthless, since the lower castes took the opportunity of passing themselves as belonging to groups of higher status. If this resolution