Vol. 6 · pages 366–370
The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings
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Thus, without abrogating the bimetallic system, substantial
steps were taken in realizing the ideal unit proposed by the
Court, as may be seen from the following table.
TABLE III
UNIFORMITY OF COINAGE AT THE END OF AD. 1833
Issued
the Government of
Silver Coins Gold Coins
Legal
RatioDenominanation Weight Fine-ness Denomina-nation Weight Fine-ness
Bengal
Sicca Rupee 192 176 or
11
12
Mohur 204.710 187.651 1 to 15
Furrukabad
Rupee
180 165 or
11
12
… … ……
Bombay Silver Rupee 180 165 or
11
12
Gold Rupee 180 165 or
11
12
1 to 15
Madras Silver Rupee 180 165 or
11
12
” ” 180 165 or
11
12
1 to 15
Taking stock of the position as it was at the end of 1833,
we find that with the exception of the Sicca rupee and the gold
mohur of Bengal, that part of the scheme of the Directors which
pertained to the uniformity of coinage was an accomplished
fact. Nothing more remained to carry it to completion than to
discontinue the Sicca rupee and to demonetize gold. At this
point, however, arose a conflict between the Court of Directors
and the three Governments in India. Considerable reluctance
was shown to the demonetization of gold. The Government of
Madras, which was the first to undertake the reform of its
currency according to the plan of the Court, not only insisted
upon continuing the coinage of gold along with that of the
rupee,* but stoutly refused to deviate from the system of
double legal tender at a fixed ratio prevalent in its territories,†
* The Court of Directors were willing to permit the coinage and circulation of
gold unlinked to the rupee, for they had observed in their Despatch :—
“16. Although we are fully satisfied of the propriety of the silver rupee being
the principal measure of value and the money of account, yet we are by no means
desirous of checking the circulation of gold, but of establishing a gold coin on a
principle fitted for general use. This coin in our opinion should be called a gold
rupee and be made of the same standard as the silver rupee.”
† Cf. Fort St.George Public Consultations of August 19, 1817, particularly the
letter of the Accountant-General entered thereon.
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352 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances addressed by the
Court.* The Government of Bengal clung to the bimetallic
standard with equal tenacity. Rather than demonetize the
gold mohur, it took steps to alter its standard† by reducing
its pure contents‡ from 189.4037 to 187.651 troy grs., so as
to re-establish a bimetallic system on the basis of the ratio
adopted by Madras in 1818. So great was its adherence to the
bimetallic standard that in 1833 it undertook to alter§ the
weight and fineness of the Sicca rupee to 196 grs. troy and
176 grs. fine, probably to rectify a likely divergence between
the legal and the market ratios of the mohur to the rupee.¶
But in another direction the Government in India wanted to
go further than the Court desired. The Court thought a uniform
currency (i.e. a currency composed of like but independent
units) was all that India needed. Indeed, they had given the
Governments to understand that they did not wish for more
in the matter of simplification of currency and were perfectly
willing to allow the Sicca and the mohur to remain as they
were, unassimilated.§§ A uniform currency was no doubt a
great advance on the order of things such as was left by the
successors of the Moghuls. But that was not enough, and the
needs of the situation demanded a common currency based on
a single unit in place of a uniform currency. Under the system
of uniform currency each Presidency coined its own money,
and the money coined at the Mints of the other Presidencies
was not legal tender in its territories except at the Mint. This
monetary independence would not have been very harmful if
there had existed also financial independence between the three
Presidencies. As a matter of fact, although each Presidency had
its own fiscal system, yet they depended upon one another for the
finance of their deficits. There was a regular system of “supply”
between them, and the surplus in one was being constantly
drawn upon to meet the deficits in others. In the absence of
* Cf. The Public Despatches to Madras dated March 6, 1810 ; July 10, 1811 ;
and June 12, 1816.
† Preamble to the Bengal Regulation XIV of 1818.
‡ It, however, increased its weight from 190.895 to 204.710 troy grs.
§ Bengal Regulation VII of 1833.
¶ It may be that this alteration was also intended to make the Sicca rupee
eleven-twelfths fine.
§§Cf. Despatch to Bengal dated March 11, 1829.
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a common currency this resource operation was considerably
hampered. The difficulties caused by the absence of a common
currency in the way of the “supply” operation made themselves
felt in two different ways. Not being able to use as legal tender
the money of other Presidencies, each was obliged to lock up,
to the disadvantage of commerce, large working balances in
order to be self-sufficient.* The very system which imposed
the necessity of large balances also rendered relief from other
Presidencies less efficacious. For the supply was of necessity
in the form of the currency of the Presidency which granted,
it, and before it could be utilized it had to be re-coined into
the currency of the needy Presidency. Besides the loss on recoinage, such a system obviously involved inconvenience to
merchants and embarassment to the Government.†
At the end of 1833, therefore, the position was that the
Court desired to have a uniform currency with a single standard
of silver, while the authorities in India wished for a common
currency with a bimetallic standard. Notwithstanding these
divergent views, the actual state of the currency might have
continued as it was without any substantial alteration either
way. But the year 1833 saw an important constitutional change
in the administrative relations between the three Presidential ‡
Governments in India. In that year by an Act of Parliaments
there was set up an Imperial system of administration with
a centralization of all legislative and executive authority over
the whole of India. This change in the administrative system,
perforce, called forth a change in the prevailing monetary
systems. It required local coinages to be replaced by Imperial
* The Accountant-General of Bengal, in a letter to the Calcutta Mint Committee,
dated November 21, 1823 wrote:—
“Para. 32. The amount of the balance must also necessarily depend upon
the state of the currency. If the Madras, Bombay, and Furrukabad rupees
instaed of differing in weight and intrinsic value were coined of one standard
weight and value bearing one inscription and in no way differing, the surplus
of one Presidency would at all times be available for the deficiency of another,
without passing through the Mint, and the balance of India might be reduced
in proporion to the increased availability of currency for the disbursements of
the three Presidencies” (Bombay Financial Consultations, February 25, 1824).
† The evil of the system had already made itself felt in Bombay, where the
Government had been obliged by a Proclamation dated April 9, 1824, to declare the
Furrukabad rupee of 1819 standard as legal tender within its territories on a par
with the Bombay rupee, in order to facilitate the supply operation from Bengal. Cf.
Bombay Financial Consultations, dated April 14, 1824.
‡ 3 & 4 Will, IV, c; 85.
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354 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
coinage. In other words, it favoured the cause of a common
currency as against that of a mere uniform currency. The
authorities in India were not slow to realize the force of events.
The Imperial Government set up by Parliament was not content
to act the part of the Dewans or agents of the Moghuls, as
the British had theretofore done, and did not like that coins
should be issued in the name of the defunct Moghul emperors
who had ceased to govern. It was anxious to throw off the false
garb* and issue an Imperial coinage in its own name, which
being common to the whole of India would convey its common
sway. Accordingly, an early opportunity was taken to give effect
to this policy. By an Act of the Imperial Government (XVII
of 1835) a common currency was introduced for the whole of
India, as the sole legal tender. But the Imperial Government
went beyond and, as if by way of concession to the Court—for
the Court did most vehemently protest against this common
currency in so far as it superseded the Sicca rupee†—legislated
“that no gold coin shall henceforward be a legal tender of
payment in any of the territories of the East India Company. ” ‡
That an Imperial Administration should have been by force
of necessity led to the establishment of a common currency for
the whole of India is quite conceivable. But it is not clear why
it should have abrogated the bimetallic system after having
maintained it for so long. Indeed, when it is recalled how the
authorities had previously set their faces against the destruction
of the bimetallic system, and how careful they were not to
allow their coinage reforms to disturb it any more violently
than they could help, the provision of the Act demonetizing
gold was a grim surprise. However, for the sudden volte-face
displayed therein, the Currency Act (XVII of 1835) will ever
remain memorable in the annals of the Indian history. It
marked the culminating-point of a long and arduous process
of monetary reform and placed India on a silver monometallic
basis, with a rupee weighing 180 grs. troy and containing
165 grs. fine as the common currency and sole legal tender
throughout the country.
No piece of British India legislation has led to a greater
* Cf. the sentiments of Tucker in his Memorials of Indian Government (ed.
by Kaye), 1853, pp. 17-19.
†Cf. their Financial Despatch to India, No. 9, dated July 27, 1836.
‡ Section 9 of Act XVII of 1835.
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discontent in later years than this Act XVII of 1835. In so far
as the Act abrogated the bimetallic system, it has been viewed
with a surprising degree of equanimity. Not all its critics,
however, are aware* that what the Act primarily decreed was
a substitution of bimetallism by monometallism. The commonly
entertained view of the Act seems to be that it replaced a
gold standard by a silver standard. But even if the truth were
more generally known, it would not justify any hostile attitude
towards the measure on that score. For, what would have been
the consequences to India of the gold discoveries of California
and Australia in the middle of the nineteenth century, if she
had preserved her bimetallic system ? It is well known how
this increase in the production of gold relatively to that of
silver led to a divergence in the mint and the market ratios
of the two metals after the year 1850. The under-valuation of
silver, though not very great, was great enough to confront the
bimetallic countries with a serious situation in which the silver
currency, including the small change, was rapidly passing out
of circulation. The United States† was obliged by the law of
1853 to reduce the standard of its small silver coins sufficiently
to keep them, dollar for dollar, below their gold value in order
to keep them in circulation. France, Belgium, Switzerland, and
Italy, which had a uniform currency based on the bimetallic
model of the French with reciprocal legal tender,‡ were faced
with similar difficulties. Lest a separatist policy on the part of
* To mention only one, cf. S. V. Doraiswami, Indian Currency, Madras, 1915. passim.
† Laughlin, J. L, History of Bimetallism, New York, 1886, pp. 79-83.
‡ The cultural influence of France had led the other countries of Latin origin to
adopt the French monetary system. The political independence acquired by Belgium in
1831 was followed by a change in her monetary system. By the law of 1832, Belgium
from a monetary point of view, became a satellite of France. By that law she adopted
in its entirety the monetary system of France, and even went so far as to give the
French gold pieces of 20 and 40 francs and to the French silver 5-franc pieces the
power of legal tender in Belgium. In Switzerland, Art. 36 of the Constitution of 1848
had vested in the Federal Government the authority to coin money. The law of May
7, 1850, adopted the French monetary system for Switzerland : Art. 8 declared “that
such foreign silver coins as were minted in sufficiently close proximity with the French
system might be granted a legal status as regular media for the payment of debts
in Switzerland.” The various Italian States, prior to unification, had, like the Swiss
Cantons, each its own currency. But with the desire for uniformity of coinage consequent
upon unification, there arose a problem either of selecting one of the old systems or
of adopting a new one which would be common to the whole country. Some form of a
grateful memorial to France was uppermost in the minds of the Italians for the help
the French gave in the matter of their independence, and the adoption of the French
monetary system for Italy was deemed to serve the purpose. Fortunately, Sardinia
already possessed the French system, and the law of August 24, 1862, extended it to
the whole of Italy, with the lire as the unit, and also conferred legal-tender power on
the coins of France, Belgium, and Switzerland, Cf. H.P. Willis, History of the Latin
monetary Union, Chicago, 1910, pp. 15, 27, 36, 37.