Vol. 6 · pages 396–400
The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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THE SILVER STANDARD AND THE DISLOCATION OF ITS PARITY
withdrawn, and applied as any other commodity for purposes
other than those of currency. Because the Act of 1870 expressly
recognised the principle of open Mint, it is not to be supposed
that the Mints were closed before that date. As a matter of
fact they were open to the free coinage of both gold and silver,
although the latter alone was legal tender. But, strange as it
may seem, none of the earlier Acts contained a word as to the
obligation of the Mint Master to coin all the metal presented
to him—a condition which is of the essence of the open mint
system. The provisions of the Act on this point are unmistakable.
It required :—
“Section 19. Subject to the Mint-rules for the time being
in force, the Mint Master shall receive all gold and silver
bullion and coin brought to the Mint:
“ Provided that such bullion and coin be fit for coinage.
“Provided also that the quantity so bought at one time
by one person is not less, in case of gold, than fifty tolas,
and, in the case of silver, than one thousand tolas.
“ Section 20. A duty shall be levied at the rate of one
rupee per cent, at the Mint on the produce of all gold
bullion and on all gold coin brought for coinage to the mint
in accordance with the said Mint-rules.
“Section 21. All silver bullion or coin brought for coinage
to the Mint, in accordance with the said Mint-rules, shall be
subject to a duty at the rate of 2 per cent, on the produce
of such from the return to be made to the proprietor.
“Section 22. A charge of one-fourth per mille on gold
bullion and coin, and of one per mille on silver bullion and
coin, shall also be levied for melting or cutting such bullion
and coin so as to render the same fit for receipt into the Mint.
Section 23. All gold and silver bullion and coin brought
to the Mint for coinage, and which is inferior to the standard
fineness prescribed by this Act, or which, from brittleness or
other cause, is unfit for coinage, shall, in case it is refined,
be subject, in addition to the duty and charge aforesaid, to
such charge on account of the loss and expense of refining
as the Governor-General in Council prescribes in this behalf.
“Section 24. The Mint Master, on the delivery of gold
or silver bullion or coin into the Mint for coinage, shall
grant to the proprietor a receipt which shall entitle him to
a certificate from the Assay Master for the net produce of
such bullion or coin payable at the General Treasury.
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382 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
“Section 25. For all gold bullion and coin, in respect of
which the Assay Master has granted a certificate, payment
shall be made, as nearly as may be, in gold coins coined
under this Act or Act No. XVII of 1835 ; and the balance
(if any) due to the proprietor shall be paid in silver, or
in silver and copper, coins, in British India.”
In the matter of paper currency the Government, it is to
be noted, did not proceed upon the principle of freedom of
issue, which then obtained in the country. There prevails the
erroneous view that before the introduction of the Government
paper currency the right of note issue was confined to the three
Presidency banks of India. As a matter of fact there existed in
India what is called the free banking system, in which every
bank was at liberty to issue its notes. It is true that notes of
the Presidency banks enjoyed a status slightly superior to that
enjoyed by the notes of other banks in that they were received
by the Government to some extent in payment of revenue*— a
privilege for which the Presidency banks had to submit to a
stringent legislative control on their business,† from which other
banks whose issues were not so priviliged were immune. But
this disadvantage was not sufficient to discourage other banks
from indulging in the right of issue which was left open to them
by law. However, this freedom of issue does not seem to have
* Cf. F. C. Harrison, Economic Journal, 1891, Vol. I, p. 726.
†The reaosns for such control are to be found in the peculiar relationship that
subsisted between the Government and the Presidency banks. Prior to 1862, as
a safeguard against their insolvency, “the Presidency Bank Charters restricted
the kind of business in which they were to engage themselves. Put very briefly
the principal restrictions imposed prohibited the banks from conducting foreignexchange business, from borrowing or receiving deposits payable out of India,
and from lending for a longer period than six months, or upon mortgage, or on
the security of immovable property, or upon promissory notes bearing less than
two independent names, or upon goods unless the goods or title to them were
deposited with the banks as security. The Government held shares in the banks
and appointed a part of the Directorate. In 1862, when the right of note issue
was withdrawn, these statutory limitations on the business of the banks were
greatly relaxed, though the Government power of control remained unchanged.
But, the banks having in some cases abused their liberty, nearly all the old
restrictions of the earlier period were reimposed in 1876 by the Presidency Banks
Act, Government, however, abandoning direct interference in the management,
ceasing to appoint official directors, and disposing of its shares in the banks.
Some of these limitations have been incorporated in Act XLVII of 1920, which
amalgamated the three Presidency banks into the Imperial Bank of India. Banks
other than Presidency banks have been entirely immune from any legislative
control whatsoever, except in so far as they are made amenable to the provisions
of the Indian Companies Act. Cf. in this connection Minutes by Sir Henry Maine,
No. 47, and the accompanying note by W. Stokes. The control of these banks is
one of the important problems of banking legislation in India.
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THE SILVER STANDARD AND THE DISLOCATION OF ITS PARITY
been exercised by any of the banks on any very large scale, not
even by the Presidency Banks,* and was taken away from all
in 1861,† when there was established a national issue for the
whole of India entrusted to the management of a Government
Department called the Department of Paper Currency. But
if private interest was not allowed to play the same part in
determining the quantity of paper currency as was the case
with regard to metallic currency, neither was any discretion
left to the Government Department in the regulation of the
paper currency. The Department of Paper Currency had no
more discretion in the matter of paper currency than the Mint
Master had in the matter of metallic currency.
The Department’s duty was confined by law‡ to the issue of
notes in exchange for the amount thereof: (1) in current silver
coin of the Government of India; (2) in standard silver bullion
or foreign silver coin computed according to standard at the rate
of 979 rupees per 1,000 tolas of standard silver fit for coinage ;
(3) in other notes of the Government of India, payable to bearer
on demand of other amounts issued within the same circle ; and
(4) in gold coin of the Government of India, or for foreign gold
coin or bullion, computed at such ratio and according to such
rules and conditions as may be fixed by the Governor-General,
provided that the notes issued against gold did not exceed onefourth of the total amount of issues represented by coin and
bullion. The whole of this amount was required by law to be
retained as reserve for the payment of notes issued with the
exception of a fixed amount which was invested in Government
securities, the interest thereon being the only source of profit
to the Government. The limit to the sum to be so invested
was governed “by the lowest amount to be estimated to which
* It should however, be noted that in 1860 the circulation of notes of the
three Presidency banks was larger than their current accounts, as is evident
from the following :—
Name of the Bank Accounts current Notes in circulation
Bank of Bengal £ 1,254,875 £ 1,283,946
Bank of Bombay 438,459 765,234
Bank of Madras 161,959 192,291
(Bankers’ Magazine, April, 1893, p. 547)
† For a summary of the controversy re.Bank issue v. Government issue, see
Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for 1859-60, Appendix L, pp. 284-318.
‡ Sect. IV of Act XIX of 1861.
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384 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
according to all reasonable experience, the paper currency
might be expected to fall.”* Estimating on this basis, the limit
to the investment portion was fixed at 4 crores in 1861,† at 6
crores in 1871‡ and at 8 crores in 1890.§ But notwithstanding
the growing increase in the investment portion, never was
the fiduciary issue based thereon so great¶ as to abrogate
the essential principle of the Indian Paper Currency Law,
the object of which was to so regulate the volume of paper
currency that it should always preseve its value by contracting
and expanding in the same manner and to the same extent
as its metallic counterpart.
Such was the organisation of the mixed currency that
existed in India before it underwent a profound change during
the closing years of the nineteenth century. Though of a mixed
character, the paper portion formed a comparatively small part
of the total. The principal reasons why the paper currency did
not assume a large proportion are to be found in the organization
of the paper currency itself.§§ One such reason was that the
lowest denomination of the notes was too large to displace
the metallic currency. By the law of 1861 the denomination of
notes ranged upwards from Rs. 10 as the lowest to Rs. 20, 50,
100, 500, and 1,000. In a country where the average range of
* Cf. Sir Richard Temple’s speech introducing the Paper Currency Bill, dated
March 25, 1870. Supreme Legislative Council proceedings, Vol. IX, pp. 151-52.
† Act XIX, Sec. X.
‡Act III, Sec. 16.
§ Act XV, Sec. I.
¶The following table shows the distribution of the paper currency reserve at
three different periods :
Period
Note
Circulation
Composition of the Reserve
Percentage of each
Component of the
Reserve to the Total
Circulation
Silver Gold Secu-rities Total Silver Gold Secu-rities
1862-1871 7.63 4.80 0.03 2.80 7.63 63 … 37
1872-1881 11.82 5.98 … 5.84 11.82 51 … 49
1882-1891 15.74 9.64 … 6.10 15.74 61 … 39
§§ For a clear and concise sketch of the organization of the paper currency in
India, see the Note of the Government of India in the Report of the U.S. Director,
of the Mint, Washington, 1894, pp. 231-33.
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THE SILVER STANDARD AND THE DISLOCATION OF ITS PARITY
transactions did not exceed R. 1 and were as low as 1 anna or
even lower, it is impossible to expect that paper currency could,
to any great extent, figure in the dealings of the people. Even
Rs. 5 notes, the issue of which was first sanctioned in the year
1871,* were not low enough to penetrate into the economic life
of the people. The other impediment to the increase of paper
currency was the difficulty of encashing notes. One of the
infelicitous incidents of the paper currency in India consisted
in the fact that they were made legal tender everywhere within
a circle, but encashable only at the office of issue. For such a
peculiar organization of the paper currency in India, what was
largely responsible was the prevalence of internal exchange† in
the country. It raised a serious problem for the Government to
cope with. If notes were to be made universally encashable it was
feared that merchants, instead of using notes as currency, might
use them as remittance on different centres to avoid internal
exchange, and the Government be obliged to move funds between
different centres to and fro, lest it should have to suspend cash
payments. To undertake resource operations on such a vast scale
between such distant centres when facilities for quick transport
were so few, was obviously impossible,‡ and the Government
therefore decided to curtail the encashment facilities of notes it
issued. For the purposes of the paper currency, the Government
divided the country into a number of circles of issue, and each
currency circle was further subdivided into sub-circles,§ and the
notes issued bore on their face the name of the circle or sub-circle
*See. 3 of Act III.
† It may be pointed out that although the Presidency banks had ceased to issue
notes, yet under the agreements made with the Government in virtue of Act XXIV
of 1861 the banks were employed by the Government “for superintending, managing
and becoming agents for the issue, payment and exchange of promissory notes of the
Government of India, and for carrying on the business of an agency of issue” on a
renumeration of 3¾ per cent, per annum “on the daily average amount of Government
currency notes outstanding and in circulation through the agency of the bank.” In
the conflict that ensued between the Government of India and the Secretary of State
because it believed that it would help the extension and popularization of the notes
as to the propriety of thus employing the banks, the former was in favour of the plan,
while the latter disliked the arrangement because it seemed to him to compromise
the principle of complete separation between the business of issue and the business of
banking. Neither of the two, however, grasped the fact that the profit on remittances
on different centres owing to the prevalence of internal exchange was so great that
the commission allowed to the banks was an insufficient inducement to cause them to
promote the circulation of notes by providing facilities at their branches for the free
encashment of them. So high was the internal exchange, and so reluctant seemed the
banks to popularize the notes, that Government finally discharged them from being
their agents for paper currency from January 2, 1866. See House of Commons Return,
East Indian (Paper Money) 215 of 1862.’
‡ Cf. the speech of the Hon. Mr. Laing on the Paper Currency Bill dated February
16, 1861, S.L.C.P., Vol. VII, pp. 73-74.
§ Each sub-circle had within it a number of agencies of issue ; but the agencies
were centres not of encashment but only of issue.