Vol. 6 · pages 426–430
The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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THE SILVER STANDARD AND THE DISLOCATION OF ITS PARITY
and it is probably not without some reason that Wolowski
and other recent French economists attributed to this
law of replacement an important effect in preventing
disturbance in the relations of gold and silver.”
But granting that before 1873 the ratio was preserved owing
to the compensatory action of the bimetallic law, can it be said
that it would have been maintained after 1873 if the law had
not been suspended ? To give an uncompromising affirmative
as the bimetallists did is to suppose that bimetallism can
work under all conditions. As a matter of fact, though it is
workable under certain conditions it is not workable under other
conditions. These conditions are well described by Prof. Fisher.*
The question under bimetallism is whether the market ratio
“......two forms of money differ from a random pair of commodities in being substitutes.
Two substitutes proper are regarded by the consumer as a single commodity. Thus lumping
together of the two commodities reduces the number of demand conditions, but does not
introduce any indeterminateness into the problem because the missing conditions are at
once supplied by a fixed ratio of substitution. Thus if ten pounds of cane sugar serve the
same purpose as eleven pounds of beet-root sugar, their fixed ratio of substitution is ten
to eleven......... In these cases the fixed ratio is based on the relative capacities of the two
commodities to fill a common need, and is quite antecedent to their prices...... The substitution
ratio is fixed by nature, and in turn fixes the price ratio.
“In the single case of money, however, there is no fixed ratio of substitution...... We have
here to deal not with relative sweetening power, nor relative nourishing power, nor with
any other capacity to satisfy wants—no capacity inherent in the metals and independent
of their prices. We have instead to deal only with relative purchasing power. We do not
reckon a utility in the metal itself, but in the commodities it will buy. We assign their
respective desirabilities or utilities to the sugars...... before we know their prices, but we
must inquire the relative circulating value of gold and silver before we can know at what
ratio we ourselves prize them. To us the ratio of substitution is incidentally the price ratio.
The case of the two forms of money is unique. They are substitutes, but have no natural
ratio of substitution, dependent on consumers’ preferences.
“ The foregoing considerations...... are overlooked by those who imagine that a fixed legal
ratio is merely superimposed upon a system of supply and demand already determinate, and
who seek to prove thereby that such a ratio is foredoomed to failure...... the...... analogy......
is unsound ......Gold and silver ...... are not completely analogous even to two substitutes
because for two forms of money there is no consumers’ natural ratio of substitution. There
seems, therefore, room for an artificial ratio......”—Purchasing Power of Money, 1911, pp. 376-77
* Elementary principles of Economics, 1912, pp. 228-29. In the illustrations given by Prof.
Fisher he appears, although he does not mean it, to make the success or failure of bimetallism
hang upon the question whether or not the two metals are maintained in circulation. For
in the illustration which he gives to show the failure of bimetallism—Fig. 14 (b)—his film f
shows gold to be entirely thrown out of circulation ; while in the illustration he gives to
show the success of bimetallism—Fig. 15 (b)—his film f shows gold to be only partially
thrown out of circulation. But there seems to be no reason to suppose that there cannot be
a third possibility, namely, that while the position of the film is f is as in Fig. 14 (b)—a
possibility in which bimetallism succeeds although one of the two metals is entirely pushed
out of circulation. For the success of bimetallism it is not necessary that both the metals
should remain in circulation. Its success depends upon whether or not the compensatory
action succeeds in restoring the relative values of the two bullions to that legally established
between the two coins. If it succeeds in achieving that, the ratio would be preserved even
if the compensatory action drives one metal entirely out of circulation.
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412 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
between gold and silver bullion will always be the same as
the legal ratio between gold and silver coins freely minted
and possessing unlimited legal-tender power. Now supposing
the supply of silver bullion has increased relatively to that of
gold bullion, the result will obviously be a divergence in the
mint and the market ratio. Will the compensatory action of
the bimetallic law restore the equilibrium ? It may succeed in
doing it or it may not. If the increase in the supply of silver
bullion and the decrease in that of gold bullion are such
that a decrease in that of silver caused by its inflow into the
currency and an increase in that of gold caused by its outflow
from currency can restore them to their old levels as bullion,
bimetallism would succeed ; in other words, the market ratio
of the two bullions would tend to return to the mint ratio. But
if the increase in the supply of silver bullion and the decrease
in that of gold is such that the outflow of silver bullion into
currency reduces the level of the silver bullion to the old level,
but the outflow of gold bullion from currency does not suffice
to raise the level of the gold bullion to the old level, or if the
outflow of gold from currency raises the level of the gold bullion
to the old level, but the inflow of silver into currency does
not result in the reduction of the level of silver bullion to its
old level, bimetallism must fall; in other words, the market
ratio of the two bullions will remain diverted from the mint
ratio legally established between their coins.
Under which of these two possibilities could the
circumstances arising after 1873 have fallen ? That is a
question about which no one can say anything definitely.
Even Jevons, who admitted the success of the bimetallic law
in the earlier period, was not very sanguine about its success
in the latter period. It was he who observed*
“ that the question of bimetallism is one which does not
admit of any precise and simple answer. It is essentially
an indeterminate problem. It involves several variable
quantities and many constant quantities, the latter being
either inaccurately known or, in many cases, altogether
unknown......”
* Investigations, etc. (ed. Foxwell), p. 317.
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THE SILVER STANDARD AND THE DISLOCATION OF ITS PARITY
Nonetheless, it is certain that the divergence between the
mint ratio and the market ratio under a bimetallic system
must be smaller than may be the case where there is no
bimetallic systgem. Whenever the market ratio diverges
from the mint ratio the compensatory action under the
bimetallic law tends to restore the equilibrium, and even
where it fails in restoring it, it does succeed in abridging
the gulf between the two ratios. That being the case, it
is safe to argue that had there been no demonetization of
silver after 1873 the ratio between gold and silver would
have probably been preserved as it was during the monetary
disturbances of the earlier period. At any rate, this much
is certain, that the market ratio between the two metals
could not have diverged from the mint ratio to the extent
it actually did.*
It is therefore a sad commentary on the monetary
legislation of the seventies that if it did not actually help
to create, for no purpose, a problem unknown before, it
certainly helped to make worse a bad situation. Prior to
1870, not all countries had a common currency. There
were India and countries of Western Europe which were
exclusively on a silver basis, and others, like England
and Portugal, which were exclusively on a gold basis, and
yet none of them felt the want of a common standard of
value in their mutual dealings. So long as there existed
the fixed-ratio system in France and the Latin Union
the problem was really provided for, for under it the two
metals behaved as one and thereby furnished a common
standard, although all countries did not use the same
metal as their standard money. It was therefore a matter
of comparative indifference to most countries which metal
they used so long as there was some one country which
used either at a certain defined ratio. With the destruction
of this fixed ratio what was thus a matter of comparative
indifference became a matter of supreme concern. Every
country which had before enjoyed the benefits of a common
international standard without having a common currency
was faced with a crisis in which the choice lay between
* Fisher, Purchasing Power of Money, 1911, pp. 134-35.
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414 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
sacrificing its currency to securing a common standard or
hugging its currency and foregoing the benefits of a common
standard. That exigencies of a common standard ultimately
led to its accomplishment was as it should have been, but it
was not a fact before a great deal of harm and some heavy
burdens had brought home to people what the want of it really
meant to them.
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CHAPTER III
THE SILVER STANDARD AND THE EVILS OF ITS
INSTABILITY
The economic consequences of this rupture of the par of
exchange were of the most far-reaching character. It divided the
commercial world into two sharply defined groups, one using
gold and the other using silver as their standard money. When
so much gold was always equal to so much silver, as was the
case previous to 1873, it mattered very little, for the purposes
of international transactions, whether a country was on a gold
or on a silver standard ; nor did it make any difference in
which of the two currencies its obligations were stipulated and
realized. But when, owing to the dislocation of the fixed par, it
was not possible to define how much silver was equal to how
much gold from year to year or even from month to month,
this precision of value, the very soul of pecuniary exchange,
gave place to the uncertainties of gambling. Of course, all
countries were not drawn into this vortex of perplexities in the
same degree and to the same extent, yet it was impossible for
any country which participated in international commerce to
escape from being dragged into it. This was true of India as
it was of no other country. She was a silver-standard country
intimately bound to a gold-standard country, so that her
economic and financial life was at the mercy of blind forces
operating upon the relative values of gold and silver which
governed the rupee-sterling exchange.
The fall increased the burden of those who were under
an obligation to make gold payments. Amongst such, the
most heavily charged was the Government of India. Owing
to the exigencies of its political constitution, that Government
has been under the necessity of making certain payments in
England to meet: (1) interest on debt and on the stock of the
guaranteed railway companies ; (2) expenses on account of the
European troops maintained in India; (3) pensions and noneffective allowances payable in England; (4) cost of the home