Vol. 6 · pages 471–475
The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings
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456 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Committee, in evidence before the Indian Currency Committee
of 1898* for us to know the contents of this closely guarded
document. It seems that the Committee declared against the
proposals because it thought they were calculated to make
the Indian currency a “managed” currency. At the time when
the Committee delivered its opinion the current prejudice was
unanimously against such a system. All acknowledged writers on
currency were pronounced opponents of an artificially regulated
system.† A naturally automatic currency was their ideal. In
addition to being misled by this prejudice, the Committee
felt convinced that the situation would soon ease itself by
the natural working of economic forces without necessitating
a reform of the Indian currency. This conviction on the part
of the Committee was founded on the high authority of the
late Mr. Walter Bagehot‡ that the disturbance could not but
be temporary. His argument was that the depreciation would
encourage exports from India, and discourage imports, and
the unfavourable balance of trade thus brought about would
induce a flow of silver to India, tending to raise its price. He
was also of opinion that increased demand for silver would
also arise from outside India. He argued that the reduction
of demand caused by the demonetization of silver by some
countries would be more than compensated for by the adoption
of silver by other countries then on a paper basis for their
impending resumptions of specie payment.
Whatever might be said with regard to the Committee’s
preference of a natural to an artificial system of currency,
there can be no doubt that in turning down the proposals of
the Government, in the hope that silver would recover, it was
grossly deceived. The basic assumptions on which the Committee
was led to act failed to come true. To the surprise of everybody
India refused to absorb this “white dirt.” Indeed, it was one of
the puzzles of the time to know why, if silver had fallen so much
* Q. 10,025-50
† So novel was the idea at the time that the United States Monetary Commission,
1876, was surprised when some of the witnesses expressed themselves in favour
of regulating the principal metallic unit of account in the currency system of a
country by Government agency. See 44 Congress 2nd Session Senate Document,
No. 703 p. 47-48.
‡ Cf. his some Articles on the Depreciation of Silver, and on Topics connected
with it, London, 1877; pp. 10, 55, and 80; also his evidence before the Select
Committee on the Depreciation of Silver, Lords Paper 178 of 1876, Q. 1,361-1,450.
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TOWARDS A GOLD STANDARD
in Europe, it did not go to India in larger quantities. Many
blamed the Secretary of State for the sale of his Council Bills.*
These bills, it was said, presented an alternative mode of
remittance so much better as to prevent the sending of silver
to india, and thereby caused a diminution in the demand for it.
That this was not a correct view is obvious.† Silver could not
have gone to India more than it did even if Council Bills had
been abolished. Council Bills must be regarded as ordinary trade
bills drawn against services and commodities, and could not be
said to have competed with the transmission of bullion in any
special manner different to that attributable to the trade bills.
The only bearing the Council Bills may be said to have had
upon the issue in question lies in the fact that to the extent
they figured in the transactions they prevented India from
buying other commodities. But there was nothing to prevent
her residual buying power left over after paying for the Council
Bills from being utilized in the purchase of silver in preference
to other commodities. That this buying power would be used
in purchasing silver because it was depreciated in Europe was
theoretically an unsound assumption on the part of Mr. Bagehot.
The deciding factor which could have caused such a diversion of
this residual buying power to the purchase of silver was whether
it was appreciated in India. Only on that condition could there
have been a flow of it to India. But as matters then stood, it was
the opinion of Prof. Pierson‡ that when the general depreciation
of silver commenced all over the world, it had been forestalled
in that part of the globe in which India lies. India was already
glutted with silver. Under ordinary circumstances India would
have sent back a large portion of its silver to Europe. But the
general depreciation prevented her from doing so; and now there
were two opposing forces, one tending to produce an export of
silver from India to Europe and the other tending to produce
an export of silver from Europe to India; and, although the
latter was the stronger of the two, the former was sufficiently
powerful to prevent any considerable quantity of silver from
being exported from Europe to India. If the Committee was
deceived in one part of its assumptions, it was also disappointed
* This argument was prominently put forth in the Report (pp. xxx—xxxv) of the
Select Committee on the Depreciation of Silver., 1876; and also by Monometallic
Members of the Gold and Silver Commission, 1886, Cf. pp. 77-79 of the final
Report, Part II.
† Cf. evidence of Professor Marshall before the Gold and Silver Commission,
1886, Q. 10,164-76.
‡ Cf. his reply to the Circular of the Gold and Silver Commission, 1886. Second
Report, App. VII (1), p. 254.
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458 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
in others. Far from resuming specie payments in terms of
silver, as Mr. Bagehot expected the countries then on paper
basis to do, they one and all demonetized silver to the great
disappointment of all those who adhered to the policy of “wait
and see.”
The falsification by India and other countries of such
anticipations led to a change in the angle of vision of most of the
European countries who had theretofore shown no inclination
to do anything by way of reducing the chaotic currencies to
some kind of order. They were advised by eminent authorities
not to hurry. Jevons said* :—
“We only need a little patience and a little common
sense to surmount the pratical difficulties. Within the next
few years good harvests in India will, in all probability,
enable that country to buy up all our suplus silver, as
it has been in the habit of doing, with rare exceptions,
since the time of Pliny...... In future years any amount
of silver could be got rid of without loss, if it be sold
gradually and cautiously.”
When, however, it was found that the waiting period
would be more painful if not longer than what it pleased the
proverbial peasant to undergo, in order to let the stream run
dry so as to permit of his forbidding it without wetting his
feet, there grew up an agitation in Europe to undertake the
necessary reform to prevent the depreciation of silver.
Far from being sentimental, the agitation was real
and derived its force from the evils which arose out of the
existing currency conditions. The monetary condition of most
of these countries was very unhealthy. Their schemes of an
effective gold standard with silver as token currency were
arrested in the midst of their progress. Germany, when she
demonetized silver, had retained her silver thalers as full
legal tender at the old ratio with gold, only to get time to be
rid of them to the extent necessary to reduce them to a truly
subsidiary position. But, before she could do so, her policy
of demonetization had commenced to tell upon the value of
silver, and the continued fall thereof compelled Germany to
retain the thalers as legal tender at their old value, despite
the fact that their metallic value was fast sinking. Precisely
the same was the result of the action of the Latin Union
on their system of currency. They had stopped their further
* Op. cit., p. 354.
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TOWARDS A GOLD STANDARD
coinage of the silver five-franc pieces ; but they could do
nothing with those that were already coined except to permit
them to circulate at the old mint par, although the metallic
par continued to change with changes in the market values
of gold and silver. The United States was also involved in
similar evils, although they arose from choice rather than
from necessity. Yielding to an agitation of the silver men, it
passed in 1878 a law called the Bland Allison Act, requiring
the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase and coin each month
not less than $2,000,000 and not more than $4,000,000 worth
of silver bullion into standard silver dollars, which were to be
full legal tender for all debts public and private,” except where
otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract,”* As the metalic
value of these dollars fell with every fall, while their legal
value remained as before, they became, like the thalers and
the francs, overvalued coins. It is clear† that when the stock of
a country’s currency is not equally good for all purposes it is
relatively speaking in an unsatisfactory condition. Though good
for internal purposes, these coins were useless for international
payments. Besides making the whole currency system unstable
and top-heavy, they could not be made to serve the purpose of
banking reserves, which it is the prime function of a metallic
currency to perform in modern times. The possibilities they
opened for illicit coinage were immense. But what made their
existence such a source of menace was the fact that a large
proportion of the total metallic money of these countries was
of this sort. The figures given by Ottomar Haupt in Table
XXIII (see p. 461) prove sufficiently the difficulties that these
countries had to face in regulating and controlling such a
mass of token currency.
If a gold-standard country like England had escaped these
difficulties it was only to meet others equally embarrassing.
As has been pointed out before, the continued fall of prices,
the reflex part of the appreciation of gold, had produced a
depression in the trade and industry of the country never
known before in its history. Apart from this, the monetary
disturbances affected the yield on capital investment, the
mainstay of so many of her people, by reducing the field for
its employment. Said the American Commission :—
* Report of the Monetary Commission of the Indianapolis Convention, Chicago,
1898,pp. 138-45.
† Cf. the speech of Prof. Pierson, Delegate of the Netherlands at the International
Monetary Conference of 1881, Report of the Delegates of the United States,
Cincinnati, 1881, pp. 77-84.
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460 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
“Within twenty years from 1877 to 1897, it could
probably be correctly stated that the power of money
to earn dividends was reduced to one-half, or in nearly
that proportion. That reduction of the earning power of
capital affected injuriously everybody who depended upon
investments for a living. It affected also the profits and
enterprises of the captains of industry and the kings of
finance. In England and in France the price of Government
securities rose to a point which made it no longer possible
for the man of small means to invest in them and acquire
an adequate support during his declining years.”*
It is, of course, open to doubt whether the conclusion drawn
is the right one. But the fact remains that owing to monetary
disturbances the field for the investment of English capital
had become considerably restricted. And, as a way of getting
a living, capital investment was an important resource to the
English people.
To mend such a situation there were convened one after
another three International Monetary Conferences to establish
a bimetallic par between gold and silver. The first International
Monetary Conference was convened at Paris in the year 1878
at the invitation of the United States. The second met at the
same place in 1881 at the joint call of France and the United
States. The third and the last assembled by the wish of United
States in Brussels during the year 1892.
From the gravity of the situation nothing could have been
more natural than to expect these Conferences to fructify
into an agreement upon the consummation of the project for
which they were called into being. But, far from reaching any
agreement, the deliberations of these Conferences proved to
be entirely futile. Only the second Conference showed any
sign of agreement. The first and the third marked a strong
deviation in the opposite direction. The advance, if any, that
was made, as a result of these deliberations, was summed up
in the pious opinion that it was necessary to retain and enlarge
the monetary use of silver. But so weak on the whole was the
response that practice failed to testify as to the sincerity of
this solemn declaration.
* Report on the Introduction of the Gold-exchange Standard into China and
other Silver-using Countries by the Commission on International Exchange. 58th
Congress, 2nd Session, House of Representatives Docment, No. 144, Washington,
1903, p. 101.