Vol. 6 · pages 571–575
The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings
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556 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
an author of a new system, he was profoundly ignorant of
the true doctrine regarding the value of a currency. Neither
he nor the hosts of currency-mongers who during the nineties
exercised their ingenuity to devise plans for remedying Indian
exchange troubles,* understood that to stabilize the exchange
was essentially a problem of stabilizing the purchasing power
of currency by controlling its volume.† The gold-exchange
standard ignores the fact that in the long run it is the general
purchasing power of a currency that will ultimately govern
its exchange value. Its aim is to stabilize exchange and allow
the problem of purchasing power to go hang. The true policy
should be to stabilize the purchasing power of the currency
and let exchange take care of itself. Had the Chamberlain
Commission considered the exchange standard from this point
of view it could not have called it a sound standard when in
its fundamentals it was the very reverse of it.
Now any one who remains unconvinced of this weakness of
the exchange standard may say that in examining its stability
we have taken only those occasions on which the standard
has broken down. Thinking such a treatment to be unfair,
he might say: How about the years during which stability
was maintained ? Is there nothing to be said in favour of a
system that maintained the gold value of the rupee from 1901
to 1907, or from 1909 to 1914 ? The question is a pertinent
one, and the position that underlies it is supposed to be so
strong that those who hold it have asked the opponents of the
exchange standard either to admit that it is a stable standard
or to show that under that standard the rupee has invariably
failed to maintain its gold value.‡
The validity of this position depends upon assumptions so
plausible and so widespread that the argument urged so far
against the exchange standard will not be of full effect until their
futility is fully demonstrated. The first assumption is that there
cannot be a depreciation of a currency unless it has depreciated
in terms of gold. In other words, if the excess has not produced
* See Chap. IV.
† Cf. evidence of Mr. Lindsay before the Fowler Committee, Q. 4,190-95,
where he asserted that exchange had nothing to do with the quantity of money
in circulation.
‡ Dodwell, “A Gold Currency for India,” Economic Journal, 1911; Report on
the Enquiry into the Rise of Prices in India, 1914, p. 94.
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STABILITY OF THE EXCHANGE STANDARD
a fall in the value of a currency in terms of a particular
commodity such as gold, then there has been no excess at all
in terms of commodities in general. Now there was a time,
particularly during the discussion on the Bullion Report,
when the conception of a change in the value of the currency
in relation to things in general was not quite clear even to
the most informed minds,* and was even pronounced invalid
by high authorities.† In view of the absence of the system of
index numbers, this simple faith in the summary method of
ascertaining depreciation by some one typical article, gold for
instance, as a measure of value, was excusable. But the same
view is without any foundation to-day. No one now requires to
be shown that the price of each commodity has varied to the
same extent and in the same direction as prices of commodities
in general before admitting that there has been a change in the
value of a currency. Why assume a single commodity like gold
as a measure of depreciation ? It would be allowable, although
it is short-sighted to do so, if the depreciation of gold was an
accurate measure of the depreciation of a currency in terms of
all other commodities. But such is not the case. Commenting
upon the experience of the United States with the greenbacks
during the Civil War, Prof. W. C. Mitchell observes‡ :
“The fluctuations in the price of gold which attracted
so much attention were much more moderate than the
extreme fluctuations in the prices of commodities. The
gold quotations lay all the time well within the outer
limits of the field covered by the variations of commodity
prices....... During the war gold moved up or down in price
more quickly than the mass of commodities...... When
gold was rising in price the majority of the commodities
followed, but more slowly...... When gold was falling in
price the majority of commodities stood still or followed
more slowly...... This more sluggish movement of commodity
prices appears still more clearly after the war. Rapid
as was the fall of prices it was not so rapid as the fall
in gold. A more curious fact is that the price-level for
* Canning’s castigation of Lord Castlereagh’s definition of standard as “a
sense of value” during the Bullion debates must be attributed to his ignorance
on this matter.
† Ricardo, in his Proposals for an Economical and Secure Currency says :“It has
indeed been said that we might judge of the value of a currency by its relation
not to one but to the mass of the commodities...... Such a test would be of no
use whatever...... To determine the value of a currency by the test proposed......
is evidently impossible.”
‡ Gold Prices and Wages under the Greenback Standard, 1908, pp. 39-41.
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558 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
commodities continued for ten years to be higher than the
price-level for gold.”
This shows that the test sought to be applied by the adherents
of the exchange standard is a false one and gives an inaccurate
reading of the value of a currency. There can be no doubt that
people who have urged its application to that standard would
not have pressed for it so much as they have done if they had
taken proper care to distinguish between specific depreciation of
a currency in terms of gold and its general depreciation in terms
of commodities.* The experience of the Bank of England during
the suspension period is a capital instance of the phenomenon
where a currency is generally depreciated, although it showed
no sign of specific depreciation :—
TABLE L
DEPRECIATION OF THE NOTES OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND†
Percentage Values of Bank Notes in Terms of
(1) Gold (2) Commodities
1797 ... ... ... 100.0 110
1798 ... ... ... 100.0 118
1799 ... ... ... ... 130
1800 ... ... ... 107.0 141
1801 ... ... ... 109.0 153
1802 ... ... ... ... 119
1803 ... ... ... ... 128
1804 ... ... ... 103.0 122
1805 ... ... ... 103.0 136
1806 ... ... ... ... 133
1807 ... ... ... ... 132
1808 ... ... ... ... 149
1809 ... ... ... ... 161
1810 ... ... ... ... 164
1811 ... ... ... 123.9 147
1812 ... ... ... 130.2 148
1813 ... ... ... 136.4 149
1814 ... ... ... 124.4 153
1815 ... ... ... 118.7 132
1816 ... ... ... 102.9 109
1817 ... ... ... 102.2 120
1818 ... ... ... 104.6 135
* Cf, Prof. Nicholson’s Principles of Political Economy (1897), Vol. II, Chap. XV,
§4 ; and Walker, F. A., Money, 1878, pp. 387-91.
† From Hawtrey’s Credit and Currency, p. 269. On the values of the notes in terms
of gold Prof. Foxwell says :” It is admitted by the severest critics of the bank that
there is no substantial ground for complaint as to its conduct during the restriction
until 1808-9. There does not seem, indeed, to have been any real depreciation of its
paper until that date. The price of £ 4 per ounce, which figures monotonously for the
years 1803-9, was really an arbitrary price, fixed by the bank itself as one at which
it would purchase foreign gold.” Preface to Andreades, p. xvi. Some people seem to
doubt that there was no specific depreciation of the inconvertible notes of the Bank of
England till 1810. Unfortunately data are not available to give direct evidence of the
fact. But circumstantial evidence there is. It is to be remembered that the premium
on gold was the only method then known of measuring depreciation and that Horner,
Ricardo and others were open enemies of the Bank of England. That being the case,
it does not seem probable that Horner would have waited to introduce his Resolution
in the House of Commons till 1810 if the bank notes had shown signs of specific
depreciation before that time.
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STABILITY OF THE EXCHANGE STANDARD
Which kind of depreciation is the greater evil we will discuss
in the next chapter. Dealing for the present with this experience
of the Bank of England, we have the fact that there can be a
general depreciation without a specific depreciation. In view of
this, the upholders of the exchange standard have no reason
to be proud of the fact that the rupee has not shown signs
of specific depreciation over periods of long duration. That a
bank note absolutely inconvertible and unregulated as to issue
should have maintained its par for very nearly thirteen years
may speak far more in favour of the suspension system than
the experience of the rupee can in favour of the exchange
standard. There is a greater wonder in the former than there
is in the latter, for the value of the rupee is sustained, apart
from the fact that gold in terms of which it was measured
was itself undergoing a depreciation, as is evident from the
foregoing figures of general prices in England, and by a hope in
some kind of convertibility, however slight or however remote
but which had no place in the case of the Bank of England
notes. Yet no one is known to have admired or justified the
currency system of the suspension period, although it had not
given rise to a specific depreciation for a long time.
This mode of measuring depreciation in terms of gold
would be, relatively speaking, a harmless idea if it was
not made the basis of another assumption on which the
exchange standard is made to rest, that the general and
specific depreciations of a currency are unrelated phenomena.
As against this it is necessary to urge that the chief lesson
to be drawn from this experience of the Bank of England
for the benefit of the upholders of the exchange standard
consists in demonstrating that although their movements
are not perfectly harmonious, yet they are essentially interrelated. That lesson may be summed up in the statement that
when the general depreciation of currency has taken place
the occurrence of a specific depreciation, other things being
equal, is only a matter of time, if the general depreciation
proceeds beyond a certain limit. What will be the interval
before specific depreciation will supervene upon general
depreciation depends upon a variety of circumstances. Like
the surface of a rising lake, general depreciation touches
different commodities at different times according as they are
located in the general scheme of things as determined by the
relative strength of demand for them. If there is no demand
for gold for currency purposes or for industrial purposes, the
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560 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
depreciation of the currency in terms of gold may be delayed.
It is only to make foreign remittances that the demand for gold
first makes itself felt, and it is there that specific depreciation
primarily arises. But there again it need not, for everything
depends upon whether other commodities equally good, which
the foreigner would take as readily as gold, are forthcoming or
not. Now, in the case of India all these three factors tending
to postpone specific depreciation are more or less operative.
The rupee is a full legal-tender currency and can effectively
discharge debts without compelling resort to gold. The industrial
demand for gold in a poor country like India cannot be very
great.* Consequently, the generally depreciated rupee does not
show immediate signs of depreciation in the internal trade of
the country. As for foreign payments, the position of India is
equally strong, not because, as is absurdly supposed, she has
a favourable balance of trade, but because she has certain
essential commodities which a foreigner is obliged to
* The following table regarding the consumption of gold in different countries
is interesting:—
§ CONSUMPTION OF GOLD (MILLIONS OF POUNDS STERLING AT 85 S.
PER FINE OUNCE)
1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920
Industrial Arts (Europe and America). 17.0 18.0 16.0 17.0 22.0 22.0
India (year to March 31 following. 1.4 5.1 19.6 —3.3 27.7 5.1
China ... —1.7 2.6 2.6 0.04 11.5 —3.7
Egypt ... —0.8 —0.2 —0.1 —0.0 —0.0 ?
Balance available as money (difference). 80.5 68.0 48.2 64.9 13.8 46.6
World ... 96.4 93.5 86.3 79.0 75.0 70.0
§ The figures are those of Mr. Joseph Kitchin in The Review of Economic
Statistics, Preliminary volume 3, No. 8 for August, 1921, p. 257. If figures previous
to 1914 are desired, see table ibid., p. 258).
Omitting the abnormal years of 1917 and 1919 and reducing the figures to
per capita basis the consumption of gold by India must be said to be remarkably
small. Besides, it is to be noted that figures for India include industrial as well
as monetary consumption. Further, in making comparison account must be
taken of the difference in the period taken as unit in the case of India and other
countries. Of course in these days when gold is so very greatly depreciated in
terms of commodities in general, neither is there any necessity to shed tears if
its production were to fall off, nor can it be anything but a welcome event if its
use were to be extended. It would therefore be unwise to resent an increase, if
it were to take place, in the importation and use of gold by India. The greater
the use of gold and the less the production of it, the better for the world as it
is circumstanced to-day. Cf. in this connection the remarks of Prof. Cannan on
Mr. Shirras’s Paper in the J.R.S.S. for July, 1920, pp. 623-24.