Vol. 6 · pages 691–695
The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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676 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
to sell and buy foreign exchange at a fixed ratio. Both these
projects for securing invariability of exchange must, I think,
be rejected as injurious as well as hazardous. There is no
doubt that stabilisation will promote, as nothing else can, the
revival of international credit and the movement of capital to
where it is most required. One of the most vital parts of prewar organisation would thereby be restored and an element
of uncertainty would vanish. Markets given up as lost would
be again nursed, which would give an impetus to trade and
industry. But there is no doubt that the benefit to be derived
will not be worth the cost involved. Our external transactions
are infinitesimal as compared to our internal transactions. To
dislocate our internal arrangements by constant changes in
our price level to preserve external parity is too big a price
for a gain which is after all paltry. For, our merchants must
remember that though fixity is a great advantage, yet its
absence is not an absolute bar to the carrying on of international
trade. We have an instance of this in the history of our own
currency. For two full decades between 1872-1892 there were
the greatest oscillations in Indian currency. Then as now our
merchants did clamour against the instability of exchange
being an hindrance to trade. But our history shows that even
under fluctuating exchange they did thrive and prosper and it
may be hoped that their sons may instinctively know how to
do the same. Should this fail to carry consolidation, one would
recommend the movement of our price level even if it involved
the management of our currency, had the Governments of the
European countries not been in such an impecunious condition.
As it is, by conseting to move our price level in sympathy
with theirs we would be committing our welfare to the care
of bankrupt governments and their desperate ministers. A
currency which is managed on a basis approved by science
would no doubt do the best. To be linked up with a currency
which is managed solely to meet the exigencies of trade would
be tolerable. But it would be an intolerable management of
our currency to join hands with a partner who is living on
his currency to keep himself going.
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5
THE PRESENT PROBLEM IN INDIAN CURRENCY*
2 Shillings Versus 1s. 4 d. Ratio
So far for the first question. Now I turn to the another
question arising out of this controversy, namely, at what
rate should we stabilize our currency ? Interpreted in terms
of purchasing power, the question reduces itself to this :
Shall we bring about a fall in the existing price level, i.e.
raise the purchasing power and thereby the exchange value
of the rupee ? Now, changes in the value of money, if they
affect all transactions and all classes equally, would be of no
consequence and such questions as the above would not be
worth any discussion. But as we all know, when the value of
money changes it does not change in a uniform proportion for
all purposes so as to affect a man’s incomes and outgoings to
the same extent. Consequently before we fix upon the direction
in which to move our price level we must make sure whether
the incidence on the welfare of the different classes of our
society would be such as would be just and proper.
In the present organisation of society a triple classification
into the Investing Class, the Business Class and the Earning
Class corresponds to a real social cleavage and an actual
divergence of interest. As it is, the business class is the
centre of all economic activity; on the one hand it borrows
money from the investing class and on the other it employs
the earning class. There are money contracts, agreements
to pay so much money. If after these money contracts have
been entered into, the value of money changes one way or
the other, it is obvious that the contracts will be falsified.
If the value of money decreases, i.e. if prices rise then the
investing and the earning classes are injured and the business
class is benefited. The investing class and the earning
class, it is true, do get from the business class the amount
* The Servant of India, April 16, 1925.
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678 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
of money contracted for, But it will be seen that when owing
to the rise of prices the business man is getting more money
for his product than he would have got if the value of money
had remained stable, he is not only paying to the other
classes, the same amount of money but he also is payable
them in money of smaller worth. In the same way if the
value of money increases i.e. if prices fall then the business
class is injured and the investing and the earning classes
are benefited. As before the business man no doubt pays
to the investing and earning classes the same amount of
money contracted with them. But it will be seen that when
owing to the fall of prices the businessman is getting less
money for his product than he would have got if the value
of money had remained stable, he is not only paying to the
other two classes the same amount of money but he is also
paying them in money of greater worth.
Clearly then if we move down towards 2s. ratio, i.e.
bring about a fall in our prices we shall be favouring the
investing and the earning classes of our society. On the
other hand if we move up towards 1s. 4d. ratio we shall
be favouring the business class of our society. To be just,
an exhaustive estimate ought therefore to be made of the
volume of outstanding money contracts entered into by the
business class including the Governments with the investing
and earning classes classified according to their age. It will
then be found that the contracts outstanding at any given
time include those made at any and every stage of preceding
depreciations and appreciations for the last 100 years. To do
justice to each and every one of them it would be necessary to
fix upon different standards according to the value of money
prevailing at the time when they were made. But it would
be a physical impossibility to make separate standards, for
separate contracts. If all contracts now existing had been
entered into in 1914, then ideal justice would clearly require
us to restore the pre-war par of currencies by such deflations
as would reduce the general level of prices to exactly that of
1914. If, on the other hand, it was found that all contracts
now existing happened to have been entered into in 1924,
justice would require that we should retain the level of 1924.
Undoubtedly the best we can do is to move between these two
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679
THE PRESENT PROBLEM IN INDIAN CURRENCY
extremes. Now the two extremes of the exchange value of our
rupee during the period are 1s. 3 7/8d. and 1s. 6d. This may
be surprising to some. For it is well-known that at one time
the rupee had gone to 3 shillings and our statute recognizes
the rupee as equivalent to 2s. gold. But in my opinion we
must disregard that together. It may at once be said that
among the reports published by the various committees, that
were appointed from time to time to investigate into Indian
currency none was so stupid as the report of the Babington
Smith Committee on whose recommendations the statute was
framed. It was such an ignorant Committee that it could not
understand the problem it was appointed to investigate and
consequently it ended by making a mess of things. As is wellknown the Committee reported that the value of the rupee
should be raised to 2s. gold. That was tantamount to saying
that the rupee had appreciated ; that in other words prices
in India had fallen. How did the facts stand ? The following
table conveniently sums up the whole story.
Date
Price of Bar Gold
in India (Bombay) per
tola of 180 gr.
Price of silver
in India (Bombay)
per 100 tolas
Index
number for
prices in
India
1913=100
… Rs. As. Rs. As.
1914 … 24—10 65—11 …
1915 … 24—14 61— 2 112
1916 … 27— 2 78—10 125
1917 … 27—11 94—10 142
1918 (July) … 34— 0 117—2 178
“ (August) … 30— 0 … …
(September) … 32— 4 … …
1919 (March) … 32— 3 113—0 200
From the table it is evident that, far from having
appreciated, the rupee had tremendously depreciated. The
price of silver had no doubt risen beyond conception and
the Committee adopted without much ado the conclusion
that the rupee had therefore risen in value. As a matter
of fact this very circumstance was proof positive that
the rupee had gone down in value : in terms of silver
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680 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
as well as in terms of commidities in general. If in 1920 more
rupees were wanted to purchase the same amount of silver
than in 1913 it meant that the rupee had fallen in value.
The Committee blundered because it failed to separate the
rupee as a currency and measure of value from the rupee as
an ingot of silver. The 2s. gold exchange value of the rupee
as a measure of value was never a fact and we are therefore
perfectly justified in not taking that limit into account in the
solution of our present problem. The only justification if it can
be held to be a valid justification, that could be urged in favour
of 2s. gold ratio consists in this. Some of those who ask for
1s. 4d. ratio do so because in their opinion it means a return
to the pre-war conditions. Now if it is a return to the pre-war
conditions that is desired then Government may well say that
measured in terms of prices 1s. 4d. in 1924 is not the same
thing as 1s. 4d. in 1914. Many people do not seem to realize
this. But it is an incontrovertible fact. Both in 1924 as well
as in 1914 exchange was 1 s. 4d. But the index number of
sale prices in India was 176 in December 1924 while in July
1914 it was only 100. It therefore follows that if we want a
return to the pre-war conditions then it will not do to have
1s. 4d. as the exchange value of the rupee. For a return to
the pre-war conditions, meaning thereby pre-war price, we
must reduce our existing prices by 76% i.e. raising the value
of the rupee by 76%. This of course ultimately means a ratio
of 2s. But it may well be asked why should we return to the
pre-war conditions ? There is no necessity to do that. It must
be remembered that old contracts are no longer in force. Most
of them have been executed and whatever wrong was done
to them in their execution cannot now be remedied. Besides,
it must not be forgotten that though the monetary contracts
outstanding at any given time are of various ages,—some are
a day old, some a month old, some a few years old, some a
decade old and some even a century old—yet most are of a
very recent date. That being so, we must choose our starting
point for a new standard from the level of current business
and not from the levels operative before the war. To do
otherwise simply because it would give us a low level of prices
is to dislocate our trade and industry and thereby jeopardise
our prosperity. To raise the value of our money by 76%