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Vol. 6 · pages 701–705

The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings

This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.

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686 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES and others who blame the Gold Standard for the rise of prices after 1911. But Prof. Fisher forgets to take note of the fact that gold became a bad standard of value because of continuance elsewhere of the Gold Exchange Standard. For if after 1911 the Gold Exchange Standard has been abandoned and countries had used gold instead of economising it, there would have been no redundancy of gold and the rise of prices consequent on it would have been arrested. The Gold Exchange Standard from this point of view has outlived its purpose and is now doing positive harm. In the light of these considerations it is not possible to have any sympathy with projects that economise the use of gold and yet maintain it as a standard of value. These points must have entirely escaped the author when he conceived his project of a Rupee convertible into gold bullion. But convertibility into gold bars does not embody the whole plan of the author. Along with convertibility he says a limit must be placed on the issue of rupees and small notes, even when they are legally convertible into gold bullion. The currency in India should be allowed to expand annually by only a certain small percentage representing its normal rate of progress in business. Beyond that percentage Government should have no power to increase the currency…… In giving reasons for this fluctuating limit on the issue of rupees and small notes, the author says, “A ‘convertible rupee’ being small in its denomination, is not adequate safeguard against inflation ; for, as the older economists clearly showed, the de facto suspended convertibility of the small notes makes it practically inconvertible, and its over-issue, is just as likely as that of inconvertible paper.” All this is fantastic if not strange. It is strange because the author in one place says “convertibility is the best safety-valve for redundancy of currency: it provides the easiest automatic danger signal to Government which is inflating the currency.” Now, if this is so, why is a convertible Rupee not sufficient for the purpose the author has in view ? The author is quite wrong when he says that the older economists believed that convertibility of small notes was not a sufficient safeguard

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687 REVIEW against over-issue. What the older economists feared was not that convertibility was not enough to maintain gold in circulation if the Banks were allowed to issue notes of small denomination—a view which is quite different from the one ascribed by the author to the older economists. Again to realize their aim the older economists did not urge, as our author represents them to have done, the placing of a limit on their issue. What they urged was a total prohibition of the notes of small denomination. That is why we find the Bank of England prevented by the Charter Act from issuing notes of lesser denomination than £ 5. To be consistent, the author should have recommended that the Government of India should not issue Rupees or silver notes of lesser denomination than Rs. 5. Instead of this he recommends a haphazard and an unworkable plan. Supposing it were possible to fix this percentage—the author has not told us how to do it—is the percentage to be maintained at all times ? Or will it be sufficient if it were found at the end of the financial year that the percentage has not been exceeded ? If the latter is all that the plan demands, then there may be . no limits to the increase and decrease in the volume of currency that may be issued in the course of the year, provided care is taken that at the end of the year the balance errs on the side of an increase equal to the given percentage over the normal. Again, is the normal to be a figure fixed for ever or is it to be revised ? If it is revisable then how is it to be revised and what authority is to revise that normal ? These are some of the questions that have to be answered before the plan can be accepted. But one wonders whether instead of indulging in such ingenuities it would not have been better if the author had played the common role and recommended either a convertible Rupee or an inconvertible Rupee with a fixed limit of issue. The book consists of lectures delivered by the author in his capacity as a Professor to his students at the Elphinstone College, Bombay, and at the Central Hindu College, Benares, and is divided into two parts. Part I which is mostly informative, the author says, is “ intended for candidates preparing for the

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688 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES pass degree in economics.” Part II is mainly critical” and “is meant primarily for the candidates for the Hons. degree.” As an examiner in Economics I always wondered why the answers of most of the pass students in Political Economy read like children’s recitation of nursery tales and those of the Hons. like garbled versions of borrowed comments. It is now evident that this is due, as the author naively suggests, to the fact that the two sets of students are fed on two different kinds of fare—neither of which is supplied to them in plentitude or certitude. zz

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7 REVIEW REPORT OF THE TAXATION ENQUIRY COMMITTEE, 1926* Report of the Taxation Inquiry Committee 1926-1 COMMISSIONS to report and committees to enquire are a peculiar feature of the English system of government. It is a cardinal principle of English Parliamentary action that in the matter of social and economic legislation it never takes a leap in the dark. Committees and commissions are necessary preliminaries of an Act of Parliament. In this it follows the well known maxim that knowledge is power. One is happy to find that this principle of English Parliamentary action has been followed in India and our politicians, who so often oppose the appointment of Commissions and Committees, cannot be said to be acting in the best interests of the country. In the case of the Taxation Enquiry Committee, however, it was the Government which was trying to shut it out and when it did institute an enquiry, it was not the one demanded by the Assembly. What the Assembly wanted was an Enquiry into the taxable capacity of the people and this the Government did not want to face for fear that such an enquiry might reveal that the burden of taxation upon the people was disproportionate to their taxable capacity. But when public opinion insisted upon the institution of such an enquiry, it, by a species of circumvention, split the enquiry into two parts : (1) The taxation Enquiry Committee and (2) The Economic Enquiry Committee, with the result that the utility of either committee’s report has been considerably diminished. The terms of reference to the Taxation Enquiry Committee directed it (1) to examine the manner in which the burden of taxation is distributed at present between the different classes of * The Servant of India. Vol IX, No. 13, April 29, 1926 pp. 163-64.

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690 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES the population; (2) to consider whether the whole scheme of taxation is equitable and in accordance with economic principles, and, if not, in what respects it is defective ; and (3) to report on the suitability of alternative sources of taxation. In making its Report, the Committee has not been very judicious in the allotment of space to the consideration of these three questions. The first was evidently the most important of the three heads comprized in the whole charge. Yet the space devoted to the consideration of it barely covers 13 pages in a volume of 447 pages. Besides the treatment of the subject is far from satisfactory. The Committee without giving any reason whatsoever divided the population of the country in 11 classes and has discussed the burden they bear in 10 pages and a half without at all touching upon the most important of all questions, viz., the incidence of the individual taxes imposed under the Indian fiscal system. Now one would have liked to know why did the Committee think that 11 was an exhaustive classification ? If it is just a question of may be, then why not 13 ? Again, how can the Committee at all say what is the burden that a merchant bears ? If they had examined the incidence of individual taxes, they would have perhaps found that he bore none ! Take again, another specific instance, that of the Cotton Excise Duty. The Committee has no difficulty in saying that its abolition will benefit the working classes. But is the Committee quite certain that it was shifted on to the consumer ? I do not at all wish to be unfair to the Committee. But I am bound to say that in this respect the Report of the Committee is a most disappointing document. The Committee has devoted a great deal of space to the detailed history of the various sources of taxation in India. So far so good. But it would have been far better if the Committee had devoted half of that space in discussing the incidence of each tax separately. But this the Committee has entirely omitted to do. If that was done, the Committee would have been in a better position to deal with the question of the distribution of the burden of taxation and of the elimination of the iniquitious taxes. That it has not been able to do as well as was to be expected from a Committee which has cost the country nearly Rs. 4 1/2 lacs exclusive of printing is due to the fact that it forgot to consider the