Vol. 6 · pages 76–80
The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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61INTRODUCTION
to 1882 only, has taken this feature as a norm by which to
mark off the different stages in the growth of Provincial Finance
from one to another. Consequently, each quinquennial period to
him becomes a stage, and in his hands the history of Provincial
Finance falls into as many stages as the quinquenniums into
which it can be divided. It may, however, be submitted that
if every revision had changed the fundamentals of Provincial
Finance, such an arrangement would not have been illogical.
But as a matter of fact, Provincial Finance did not change its
hue at every revision. What the revisions did was to temper
the wind to the shorn lamb. If the history of the development
of Provincial Finance is to be divided into stages according to
the changes in the fundamental basis thereof, then emphasis
has to be laid on features altogether different in character.
Writers on the theory of Public Finance seem to conceive the
subject as though it were primarily a matter of equity in
taxation and economy in expenditure. But to a Chancellor of
the Exchequer finance is eminently practical with a problem to
solve, namely, how to bring about an equilibrium in the Budget.
If we scan the history of Provincial Finance in British India
with a view to discover the method of meeting the problem of
equilibrium in Provincial Budgets and the changes introduced
in it from time to time, we shall find that Provincial Finance
has evolved through three distinct stages, each with its own
mode of supply, namely, Assignments, Assigned Revenues
and Shared Revenues. Consequently, instead of following the
mechanical plan of Justice Ranade, it is believed to be more
logical and instructive to divide the stages in the growth of
Provincial finance according to the method of supply to the
Provincial Governments adopted by the Government of India.
Consequently, Part II, which deals with the Development of
Provincial Finance, is divided into three Chapters : (1) Budget
by Assignment, (2) Budget by Assigned Revenues, and
(3) Budget by Shared Revenues.
This discussion of the Origin and Development
of Provincial Finance is followed in Part III by an
examination of its Organization. Chapter VII in Part
III is devoted to the analysis of the hitherto neglected
rules of limitations on the financial powers of Provincial
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62 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Governments primarily to bring out the fact that Provincial
Finance was not independent in its organization. The analysis of
the true position of Provincial Finance is, however, reserved for
Chapter VIII, in which the conclusion is fortified by a reference
to the character of these limitations, that, notwithstanding
the high-sounding appellation of Provincial Finance, there
were neither provincial revenues nor provincial services as
separate from Imperial revenues and Imperial services, so
that instead of being federal in its organization the system
remained essentially Imperial. Chapter IX discusses how far
it was possible to enlarge the scope of Provincial Finance
without jeopardy to the constitutional responsibilities of the
Government of India under the old law.
Part IV is a discussion of the changes introduced into the
mechanism of Provincial Finance by the Reforms Act of 1919.
Chapter X of this Part is devoted to the analysis of the causes
which led to these changes. In Chapter XI a full description of
the changes effected by the new law is given, while Chapter
XII forms a critique of the new regime.
In view of the fact that students of Indian Finance
ordinarily content themselves with the phrase “Decentralization
of finance,” to indicate Provincial Finance, a word of
explanation in justification of what may rather be called
the too cumbersome title of this study. No student of Indian
Finance, who is sufficiently acquainted with the branching
off of the system in different directions, will fail to mark
the inadequacy of the phrase Decentralization of Finance to
mean Provincial Finance. If there were in the Indian system
only the Provincial Decentralization there would have been
no necessity to labour for a new title. As a matter of fact,
the starting points of decentralization are by no means the
same, and the systems evolved through it are quite different
in character. For instance, the centre of decentralization and
the systems evolved by the policy of decentralization brought
into operation in 1855 were different from the centre and the
systems evolved therefrom by the policy of decentralization
initiated in 1870. Again, the centre which is gradually being
decentralized since 1892, be it noted, is different from those
affected by the decentralization of 1855 or 1870. To put
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63INTRODUCTION
it more clearly, the decentralization of 1855 was the
decentralization of Indian Finance resulting in—
(I) the separation of Local from Imperial Finance.
The decentralization of 1870 was the decentralization of
Imperial Finance resulting in—
(II) the separation of Provincial from Imperial Finance.
And the decentralization commencing from 1882 is the
decentralization of Provincial Finance resulting in—
(III) the separation of Local from Provincial Finance.
Obviously then, “Decentralization of finance” far from
being indicative of Provincial Finance, is a general name for
this variegated and multifarious process of decentralization
described above, and it cannot but be confusing to use as a title
to the study of one line of decentralization a phrase which can
be generically applied to all the three lines of decentralization
distinguished above. In order, therefore, that this study may
not be taken to pertain to a line of decentralization other
than the one it purports to investigate, it has been thought
proper to designate it “The Evolution of Provincial Finance
in British India” with a sub-title, “A Study in the Provincial
Decentralization of Imperial Finance,” where the words
Provincial and Imperial must be read with the emphasis due to
them. How careless the phraseology often is may be instanced
by the fact that Justice Ranade’s pamphlet referred to above
is styled “Decentralization of Provincial Finance.” Although it
deals with the development of Provincial Finance, it is likely
to be passed over by the student, for its title implies that its
subject-matter must be the growth of Local Finance. If Justice
Ranade had been conscious of the varieties of decentralization,
he would have probably realized that the title of his pamphlet
was false to its contents.
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PART I
PROVINCIAL FINANCE : ITS ORIGIN
CHAPTER I
THE IMPERIAL SYSTEM
ITS GROWTH AND ITS BREAKDOWN
The Imperial system of Government in India dates from the
year 1833.
Of the two chief motives which led Parliament to establish
it, one was to replace the existing multiplicity in the systems of
justice and police by a uniform system of the same, common as
far as possible to the whole of India with its varieties classified
and systematized. Under the existing system then prevailing
such multiplicity was inevitable, for not only the civil and
military government and the ordering and management of the
revenues of each of the three Presidencies, Bengal, 1 Madras,2
and Bombay, 3 were vested in their respective Governors in
Council, but each Governor in Council was also empowered
to make and issue such rules, ordinances and regulations
for the good order and civil government of the territories he
individually commanded, provided that they were just and
reasonable and not repugnant to the laws of the British realm.
To the codes of law promulgated by these authorities must be
added the whole body of English Statute law introduced in
India so far as it was applicable, by the charter of George I
in 1726 and such other English Acts subsequent to that date
as were expressly extended to particular parts of the country.
The work of administering such a diverse body of laws
proved so embarrassing that it was the view of the supreme
Court of Calcutta that
“no one person can pronounce an opinion or form a
judgment... upon any disputed right of persons, respecting
which doubt and confusion may not be raised by those who may
choose to call it in question; for very few of the public or persons
1 13 Geo. III, c. 63. s. 36.
2 39 and 40 Geo. Ill, c. 79, s. 11.
3 47 Geo. Ill, Sess. 2, c. 68, s. 3.