Vol. 8 · pages 196–200
Pakistan or the Partition of India
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to accept assurances of the tribal chiefs but leaving one person
from each family behind to watch over their interests. All
told, between four hundred and fifty Hindus, men, women and
children, had come into Peshawar by the Middle of August,
when the trouble was definitely on the wane. Some of the
Hindus were definitely expelled, some were induced to leave
their homes by threats, some left from fear, some no doubt
from sympathy with their neighbours. This expulsion and
voluntary exodus from tribal territory were without parallel.
Hindus had lived there for more generations than most of
them could record as valued and respected, and, indeed, as
essential members of the tribal system, for whose protection
the tribesmen had been jealous, and whose blood feuds they
commonly made their own. In all, about 450 Hindus left
the Khyber during the excitement; of these, about 330 had
returned to their homes in tribal territory by the close of the
year 1927. Most of the remainder had decided to settle, at
any rate for the present, amid the more secure conditions of
British India.
The year 1928-29 was comparatively more peaceful than the
year 1927-28. His Excellency Lord Irwin, by his speeches to the
Central Legislature and outside, had given a strong impetus
to the attempts to find some basis for agreement between the
two communities, on those questions of political importance,
which were responsible for the strained relations between them.
Fortunately the issues arising out of the inquiry by the Simon
Commission which was appointed in 1929, absorbed a large
part of the energy and attention of the different communities,
with the result that less importance came to be attached to
local causes of conflict, and more importance to the broad
question of constitutional policy. Moreover, the legislation
passed during the autumn session of the Indian Legislature
in 1927 penalising the instigation of inter-communal hostility
by the press, had some effect in improving the inter-communal
disturbances. The number of riots during the twelve months
ending with March 31st, 1929, was 22. Though the number
of riots was comparatively small, the casualties,—swelled
heavily by the Bombay riots,—were very serious, no fewer
than 204 persons having been killed and nearly a thousand
injured. Of these, the fortnight’s rioting in Bombay accounts
for 149 killed and 739 injured. Seven of these 22 riots,
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172 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
or roughly one-third of them, occurred on the day of the
celebration of the annual Muslim festival of Bakr-i-Id at
the end of May. The celebration of this festival is always
a dangerous time in Hindu-Muslim relations. The Muslim
regard it as a day of animal sacrifice, and as the animal
chosen is almost always a cow the slightest tension between
the two communities is apt to produce an explosion. Of the
Bakr-i-Id riots only two were serious and both of them took
place in the Punjab. The first took place in a village in the
Ambala District in which ten people were killed and nine
injured. The other riot which took place in Softa village in the
Gurgaon District in the Southern Punjab, attained considerable
notoriety because of its sensational features. The village of
Softa is about 27 miles south of Delhi and is inhabited by
Muslims. This village is surrounded by villages occupied by
Hindu cultivators who, on hearing that the muslims of Softa
intended to sacrifice a cow on the ‘Id Day’, objected to the
sacrifice of the particular cow selected on the ground that
it had been accustomed to graze in fields belonging to the
Hindu cultivators. The dispute over the matter assumed a
threatening aspect and the Superintendent of Police of the
district accordingly went with a small force of police, about
25 men in all, to try to keep peace. He took charge of the
disputed cow and locked it up, but his presence did not deter
the Hindu cultivators of a few neighbouring villages from
collecting about a thousand people armed with pitchforks,
spears and staves, and going to Softa. The Superintendent of
Police and an Indian Revenue official, who were present in the
village, assured the crowd that the cow, in connection with
which the dispute had arisen would not be sacrificed, but this
did not satisfy the mob which threatened to burn the whole
village if any cow was sacrificed, and also demanded that
the cow should be handed over to them. The Superintendent
of Police refused to agree to this demand, whereupon the
crowd became violent and began to throw stones at the
police and to try to get round the latter into the village. The
Superintendent of Police warned the crowd to disperse, but
to no effect. He, therefore, fired one shot from his revolver as
a further warning. Notwithstanding the crowd still continued
to advance and the Superintendent had to order his party of
police to fire. Only one volley was fired at first, but as this did
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not cause the retreat of the mob, two more volleys had to
be fired before the crowd slowly dispersed, driving off some
cattle belonging to the village.
While the police were engaged in this affair a few Hindu
cultivators got into Softa at another place and tried to set
fire to the village. They were, however, driven away by the
police after they had inflicted injuries on three or four men.
In all 14 persons were killed and 33 were injured. The Punjab
Government deputed a judicial officer to enquire into this
affair. His report, which was published on 6th July, justified
the action of the police in firing on the mob and recorded the
opinion that there was no reason to suppose that the firing
was excessive or was continued after the mob had desisted
from its unlawful aggression. Had the police not opened
fire, the report proceeds, their own lives would have been in
immediate danger, as also the lives of the people of Softa.
Lastly, in the opinion of the officer writing the report, had
Softa village been sacked, there would certainly have broken
up, within 24 hours, a terrible communal conflagration in the
whole of the surrounding country-side.
The riots of Kharagpur, an important railway centre not
far from Calcutta, also resulted in serious loss of life. Two
riots took place at Kharagpur, the first on the occasion of the
Muharram celebration at the end of June and the second on
the 1st September 1928, when the killing of a cow served
as a cause. In the first riot 15 were killed and 21 injured,
while in the second riot, the casualties were 9 killed and 35
wounded. But none of these riots is to be compared with those
that raged in Bombay from the beginning to the middle of
February, when, as we have seen, 149 persons were killed
and well over 700 injured.
During the year 1929-30 communal riots, which had
been so conspicuous and deplorable a feature of public life
during the preceding years, were very much less frequent.
Only 12 were of sufficient importance to be reported to
Government of India, and of these only the disturbances
in the City of Bombay were really serious. Starting on the
23rd of April they continued sporadically until the middle
of May, and were responsible for 35 deaths and about
200 other casualties. An event which caused considerable
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174 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
tension in April was the murder at Lahore of Rajpal, whose
pamphlet Rangila Rasul, containing a scurrilous attack on the
Prophet of Islam, was responsible for much of the communal
trouble in previous years, and also for a variety of legal
and political complications. Fortunately, both communities
showed commendable restraint at the time of the murder,
and again on the occasion of the execution and funeral of the
convicted man ; and although feelings ran high no serious
trouble occurred.
The year 1930-31 saw the eruption of the Civil Disobedience
Movement. It gave rise to riots and disturbances all over the
country. They were mostly of a political character and the
parties involved in them were the police and the Congress
volunteers. But, as it always happens in India, the political
disturbances took a communal twist. This was due to the fact
that the Muslims refused to submit to the coercive methods
used by Congress volunteers to compel them to join in Civil
Disobedience. The result was that although the year began
with political riots it ended in numerous and quite serious
communal riots. The worst of these communal riots took place
in and around Sukkur in Sind between the 4th and 11th of
August and affected over a hundred villages. The outbreak in
the Kishoreganj sub-division of Mymensingh District (Bengal)
on the 12th/15th of July was also on a large scale. In addition,
there were communal disturbances on the 3rd of August in
Ballia (United Provinces) ; on the 6th of September in Nagpur,
and on the 6th/7th September in Bombay ; and a HinduChristian riot broke out near Tiruchendur (Madras) on the 31st
of October. On the 12th of February, in Amritsar, an attempt
was made to murder a Hindu cloth merchant who had defied
the picketers, and a similar outrage which was perpetrated
the day before in Benares had very serious consequences.
On this occasion, the victim was a Muslim trader, and the
attack proved fatal; as a result, since Hindu-Muslim relations
throughout most of Northern India were by this time very
strained, a serious communal riot broke out and continued for
five days, causing great destruction of property and numerous
casualties. Among the other communal clashes during this
period were the riots at Nilphamari (Bengal) on the 25th of
January and at Rawalpindi on the 31st. Throughout Northern
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India communal relations had markedly deteriorated during
the first two months of 1931, and already, in February, there
had been serious communal rioting in Benares. This state
of affairs was due chiefly to the increasing exasperation
created among Muslims by the paralysis of trade and the
general atmosphere of unrest and confusion that resulted
from Congress activities. The increased importance which
the Congress seemed to be acqiring as a result of the
negotiations with the Government aroused in the Muslims
serious apprehensions and had the effect of worsening the
tension between the two communities. During March, this
tension, in the United Provinces at any rate, became greatly
increased. Between the 14th and 16th there was serious
rioting in the Mirzapur District, and on the 17th, trouble
broke out in Agra and continued till the 20th. There was
also a communal riot in Dhanbad (Bengal) on the 28th, and
in Amritsar District on the 30th ; and in many other parts
of the country, the relations between members of the two
communities had become extremely strained.
In Assam, the communal riot which occurred at Digboi
in Lakhimpur District, resulted in deaths of one Hindu and
three Muslims. In Bengal, a communal riot took place in
the Asansol division during the Muharram festival. In Bihar
and Orissa there was a certain amount of communal tension
during the year, particularly in Saran. Altogether there
were 16 cases of communal rioting and unlawful assembly.
During the Bakr-i-Id festival a clash occurred in the Bhabua
sub-division of Shahabad. Some 300 Hindus collected in the
mistaken belief that a cow had been sacrificed. The local
officers had succeeded in pacifying them when a mob of
about 200 Muhammedans armed with lathis, spears and
swords, attacked the Hindus, one of whom subsequently died.
The prompt action of the police and the appointment of a
conciliation committee prevented the spread of the trouble.
The Muharram festival was marked by two small riots in
Monghyr, the Hindus being the aggressors on one occasion
and the Muslims on the other. In the Madras Presidency
there were also several riots of a communal nature during
the year and the relations between the communities were
in places distinctly strained. The most serious disturbance
of the year occurred at Vellore on the 8th of June, as a
result of the passage of a Muslim procession with Tazias