Vol. 8 · pages 241–245
Pakistan or the Partition of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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216 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
emphasis only. The real thing is to recognize, as does Mr.
Toynbee, that “nationalism is strong enough to produce war
in spite of us. It has terribly proved itself to be no outworn
creed, but a vital force to be reckoned with.” As was pointed
out by him, “the right reading of nationalism has become an
affair of life and death.” It was not only so for Europe. It was
so for Turkey. It was so for Czechoslovakia. And what was
a question of life and death to them could not but be one of
life and death to India. Prof. Toynbee pleaded, as was done
before him by Guizot, for the recognition of nationality as the
necessary foundation of European peace. Could India ignore
to recognize this plea ? If she does, she will be acting at her
peril. That nationalism is a disruptive force is not the only
lesson to be learnt from the history of these two countries.
Their experience embodies much else of equal if not of greater
significance. What that is, will be evident if certain facts are
recalled to memory.
The Turks were by no means as illiberal as they are painted.
They allowed their minorities a large measure of autonomy.
The Turks had gone far towards solving the problem of how
people of different communities with different social heritages
are to live together in harmony when they are geographically
intermingled. The Ottoman Empire had accorded, as a matter
of course, to the non-Muslim and non-Turkish communities
within its frontiers a degree of territorial as well as cultural
autonomy which had never been dreamt of in the political
philosophy of the West. Ought not the Christian subjects
to have been satisfied with this? Say what one may, the
nationalism of Christian minorities was not satisfied with this
local autonomy. It fought for complete freedom and in that
fight Turkey was slit open.
The Turks were bound to the Arabs by the tie of
religion. The religious tie of Islam is the strongest known
to humanity. No social confederacy can claim to rival the
Islamic brotherhood in point of solidarity. Add to this the
fact that while the Turk treated his Christian subjects as
his inferior, he acknowledged the Arab as his equal. All
non-Muslims were excluded from the Ottoman army. But
the Arab soldiers and officers served side by side with Turks
and Kurds. The Arab officer class, educated in Turkish
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217PAKISTAN : LESSONS FROM ABROAD
school, served in military and civil capacities on the same terms
as the Turks. There was no derogating distinction between
the Turk and the Arab, and there was nothing to prevent the
Arab from rising to the highest rank in the Ottoman services.
Not only politically but even socially the Arab was treated as
his equal by the Turk and Arabs married Turkish wives and
Turks married Arab wives. Ought not the Arabs to have been
satisfied with this Islamic brotherhood of Arabs and Turks
based on fraternity, liberty and equality? Say what one may,
the Arabs were not satisfied. Arab nationalism broke the bonds
of Islam and fought against his fellow Muslim, the Turk, for its
independence. It won, but Turkey was completely dismantled.
As to Czechoslovakia, she began with the recognition that
both the Czechs and the Slovaks were one people. Within a
few years, the Slovaks claimed to be a separate nation. They
would not even admit that they were a branch of the same
stock as the Czechs. Their nationalism compelled the Czechs
to recognize the fact that they were a distinct people. The
Czechs sought to pacify the nationalism of the Slovaks by
drawing a hyphen as a mark indicating distinctness. In place of
Czechoslovakia they agreed to have Czecho-Slovakia. But even
with the hyphen the Slovak nationalism remained discontented.
The act of autonomy was both, a hyphen separating them from
the Czechs as well as a link joining them with the Czechs.
The hyphen as making separation was welcome to the Slovaks
but as making a link with the Czechs was very irksome to
them. The Slovaks accepted the autonomy with its hyphen
with great relief and promised to be content and loyal to the
state. But evidently this was only a matter of strategy. They
did not accept it as an ultimate end. They accepted it because
they thought that they could use it as a vantage ground for
destroying the hyphen which was their main aim and convert
autonomy into independence. The nationalism of the Slovaks
was not content with a hyphen. It wanted a bar in place of
the hyphen. Immediately the hyphen was introduced, they
began their battle to replace the hyphen between the Czechs
and the Slovaks by a bar. They did not care what means they
should employ. Their nationalism was so wrong-headed and
so intense that when they failed they did not hesitate to call
the aid of the Germans.
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218 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Thus a deeper study of the disruption of Turkey and
Czechoslovakia shows that neither local autonomy nor the bond
of religion is sufficient to withstand the force of nationalism,
once it is set on the go.
This is a lesson which the Hindus will do well to grasp.
They should ask themselves : if the Greek, Balkan and Arab
nationalism has blown up the Turkish State and if Slovak
nationalism has caused the dismantling of Czechoslovakia,
what is there to prevent Muslim nationalism from disrupting
the Indian State ? If experience of other countries teaches that
this is the inevitable consequence of pent-up nationalism, why
not profit by their experience and avoid the catastrophe by
agreeing to divide India into Pakistan and Hindustan ? Let
the Hindus take the warning that if they refuse to divide
India into two before they launch on their career as a free
people, they will be sailing in those shoal waters in which
Turkey, Czechoslovakia and many others have foundered. If
they wish to avoid shipwreck in mid-ocean, they must lighten
the draught by throwing overboard all superfluous cargo. They
will ease the course of their voyage considerably if they—to
use the language of Prof. Toynbee—reconcile themselves to
making jetsam of less cherished and more combustible cargo.
V
Will the Hindus really lose if they agree to divide India
into two, Pakistan and Hindustan ?
With regard to Czechoslovakia it is instructive to note the
real feelings of its government on the loss of their territory
caused by the Munich Pact. They were well expressed by the
Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia in his message to the people
of Czechoslovakia. In it he said* :—
“Citizens and soldiers....I am living through the
hardest hour of my life ; I am carrying out the most
painful task, in comparison with which death would be
easy. But precisely because I have fought and bacause I
know under what conditions a war is won, must tell you
frankly... that the forces opposed to us at this moment
compel us to recognize their superior strength and to act
accordingly....
*Alexander Henderson—Eye-witness in Czechoslovakia (IIarrap, 1939), pp.
229-30.
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219PAKISTAN : LESSONS FROM ABROAD
“In Munich four European Great Powers met and decided
to demand of us the acceptance of new frontiers, according to
which the German areas of our State would be taken away. We
had the choice between desperate and hopeless defence, which
would have meant the sacrifice not only of the adult generation
but also of women and chidren, and the acceptance of conditions
which in their ruthlessness, and bacause they were imposed by
pressure without war, have no parallel in history. We desired
to make a contribution to peace; we would gladly have made it.
But not by any means in the way it has been forced upon us.
“But we were abandoned, and were alone .... Deeply moved,
all your leaders considered, together with the army and the
President of the Republic, all the possibilities which remained.
They recognized that in choosing between narrower frontiers and
the death of the nation it was their sacred duty to save the life
of our people, so that we may not emerge weakened from these
terrible times, and so that we may remain certain that our nation
will gather itself together again, as it has done so often in the
past. Let us all see that our State re-establishes itself soundly
within its new frontiers, and that its population is assured of a
new life of peace and fruitful labour. With your help we shall
succeed. We rely upon you, and you have confidence in us.”
It is evident that the Czechs refused to be led by the force of
historic sentiment. They were ready to have narrower frontiers
and a smaller Czechoslovakia to the ultimate destruction of
their people.
With regard to Turkey the prevalent view was the one
that was expressed in 1853 by the Czar Nicholas I, during
a conversation with British Ambassador in St. Petersburg in
which he said “We have on our hand a sick man—a very sick
man .... He may suddenly die upon our hands.” From that day
the imminent decease of Turkey, the sick man of Europe was
awaited by all his neighbours. The shedding of the territories
was considered as the convulsions of a dying man who is
alleged to have breathed his last by affixing his signature to
the Treaty of Severs.
Is this really a correct view to take of Turkey in the process
of dissolution ? It is instructive to note the comments of Arnold
Toynbee on this view. Referring to the Czar’s description of
Turkey as the sick man who may suddenly die, he says* :
“In this second and more sensational part of his diagnosis Czar
Nicholas went astray because he did not understand the nature of the
* Arnold Toynbee—Turkey, p. 141.
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220 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
symptoms. If a person totally ignorant of natural history
stumbled upon a snake in course of shedding its skin, he
would pronounce dogmatically that the creature could not
possible recover. He could point out that when a man
(or other mammal) has the misfortune to lose his skin,
he is never known to survive. Yet while it is perfectly
true that the leopard cannot change his spots nor the
Ethiopian his skin, a wider study would have informed
our amateur naturalist that a snake can do both and does
both habitually. Doubtless, even for the snake, the process
is awkward and uncomfortable. He becomes temporarily
torpid, and in this condition he is dangerously at the mercy
of his enemies. Yet, if he escapes the kites and crows until
his metamorphosis is complete, he not only recovers his
health but renews his youth with the replacement of his
mortal coils. This is the recent experience of the Turk,
and ‘moulting snake’ is better simile than sick man for
a description of his distemper.”
In this view, the loss of her possessions by Turkey is the
removal of an anomalous excrescence and the gain of a new
skin. Turkey is certainly homogeneous and has no fear of any
disruption from within.
The Muslim areas are an anomalous excrescence on
Hindustan and Hindustan is an anomalous excrescence on
them. Tied together they will make India the sick man of Asia.
Welded together they will make India a heterogeneous unit.
If Pakistan has the demerit of cutting away parts of India, it
has also the merit of introducing harmony in place of conflict.
Severed into two, each becomes a more homogeneous unit.
The homogeneity of the two areas is obvious enough. Each
has a cultural unity. Each has a religious unity. Pakistan has
a linguistic unity. If there is no such unity in Hindustan, it
is possible to have it without any controversy as to whether
the common language should be Hindustani, Hindi or Urdu.
Separated, each can become a strong and well-knit state. India
needs a strong Central Government. But it cannot have it so
long as Pakistan remains a part of India. Compare the structure
of the Federal Government as embodied in the Government
of India Act, 1935, and it will be found, that the Central
Government as constituted under it is an effete ramshackle thing
with very little life in it.* As has already been pointed out, this
* For further light on this topic, see my tract on Federation vs. Freedom.