Vol. 8 · pages 71–75
Pakistan or the Partition of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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46 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
inconsistent with collective responsibility of the cabinets.
This, the Musalmans refuse to accept as an honest plea.
The English people were the first and the only people, who
made it a principle of their system of government. But even
there it has been abandoned since. The English Parliament
debated* the issue and came to the conclusion that it was not
so sacrosanct as it was once held and that a departure from it
need not necessarily affect the efficiency or smooth working of
the governmental machine. Secondly, as a matter of fact, there
was no collective responsibility in the Congress Government.
It was a government by departments. Each Minister was
independent of the other and the Prime Minister was just a
Minister. For the Congress to talk about collective responsibility
was really impertinent. The plea was even dishonest, because
it is a fact that in the provinces where the Congress was in
a minority, they did form Coalition Ministries without asking
the Ministers from other parties to sign the Congress pledge.
The Muslims are entitled to ask ‘if coalition is bad, how can
it be good in one place and bad in another ?’
The second reply of the Congress is that even if they take
Muslim Ministers in their cabinet who have not the confidence
of the majority of the Muslims, they have not failed to protect
their interests. Indeed they have done every thing to advance
the interests of the Muslims. This no doubt rests on the view
Pope held of government when he said:
“For forms of government let fools contest;
What is best administered is best.”
In making this reply, the Congress High Command seems to
have misunderstood what the main contention of the Muslims
and the minorities has been. Their quarrel is not on the issue
whether the Congress has or has not done any good to the
Muslims and the minorities. Their quarrel is on an issue which
is totally different. Are the Hindus to be a ruling race and
the Muslims and other minorities to be subject races under
Swaraj ? That is the issue involved in the demand for coalition
ministries. On that, the Muslims and other minorities have
taken a definite stand. They are not prepared to accept the
position of subject races.
* See the announcement on 22nd January 1932 by the British Prime Minister
on the decision of the cabinet to agree to differ on the Tariff Question and the
debate on it in Parliament.
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47PAKISTAN : ESCAPE FROM DEGRADATION
That the ruling community has done good to the ruled is
quite beside the point and is no answer to the contention of
the minority communities that they refuse to be treated as a
subject people. The British have done many good things in India
for the Indians. They have improved their roads, constructed
canals on more scientific principles, effected their transport
by rail, carried their letters by penny post, flashed their
messages by lightning, improved their currency, regulated their
weights and measures, corrected their notions of geography,
astronomy and medicine, and stopped their internal quarrels
and effected some advancement in their material conditions.
Because of these acts of good government, did anybody ask the
Indian people to remain grateful to the British and give up
their agitation for self-government ? Or because of these acts
of social uplift, did the Indians give up their protest against
being treated as a subject race by the British ? The Indians
did nothing of the kind. They refused to be satisfied with
these good deeds and continued to agitate for their right to
rule themselves. This is as it should be. For, as was said by
Curran, the Irish patriot, no man can be grateful at the cost
of his self-respect, no woman can be grateful at the cost of
her chastity and no nation can be grateful at the cost of its
honour. To do otherwise is to show that one’s philosophy of
life is just what Carlyle called ‘pig philosophy’. The Congress
High Command does not seem to realize that the Muslims
and other minorities care more for the recognition of their
self-respect at the hand of the Congress than for mere good
deeds on the part of the Congress. Men, who are conscious
of their being, are not pigs who care only for fattening food.
They have their pride which they will not yield even for gold.
In short “life is more than the meat”.
It is no use saying that the Congress is not a Hindu body.
A body which is Hindu in its composition is bound to reflect
the Hindu mind and support Hindu aspirations. The only
difference between the Congress and the Hindu Maha Sabha
is that the latter is crude in its utterances and brutal in its
actions while the Congress is politic and polite. Apart from
this difference of fact, there is no other difference between the
Congress and the Hindu Maha Sabha.
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48 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Similarly, it is no use saying that the Congress does not
recognize the distinction between the ruler and the ruled. If this
is so, the Congress must prove its bona fides by showing its
readiness to recognize the other communities as free and equal
partners. What is the test of such recognition ? It seems to me
that there can be only one—namely, agreeing to share power
with the effective representatives of the minority communities.
Is the Congress prepared for it ? Everyone knows the answer.
The Congress is not prepared to share power with a member
of a community who does not owe allegiance to the Congress.
Allegiance to the Congress is a condition precedent to sharing
power. It seems to be a rule with the Congress that if allegiance
to the Congress is not forthcoming from a community, that
community must be excluded from political power.
Exclusion from political power is the essence of the
distinction between a ruling race and a subject race; and
inasmuch as the Congress maintained this principle, it must be
said that this distinction was enforced by the Congress while
it was in the saddle. The Musalmans may well complain that
they have already suffered enough and that this reduction
to the position of a subject race is like the proverbial last
straw. Their decline and fall in India began ever since the
British occupation of the country. Every change, executive,
administrative, or legal, introduced by the British, has inflicted
a series of blows upon the Muslim Community. The Muslim
rulers of India had allowed the Hindus to retain their law in
civil matters. But, they abrogated the Hindu Criminal Law
and made the Muslim Criminal Law the law of the State,
applicable to all Hindus as well as Muslims. The first thing
the British did was to displace gradually the Muslim Criminal
Law by another of their making, until the process was finally
completed by the enactment of Macaulay’s Penal Code. This
was the first blow to the prestige and position of the Muslim
community in India. This was followed by the abridgment of
the field of application of the Shariat or the Muslim Civil Law.
Its application was restricted to matters concerning personal
relations, such as marriage and inheritance, and then only
to the extent permitted by the British. Side by side came the
abolition, in 1837, of Persian as the official language of the
Court and of general administration and the substitution of
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49PAKISTAN : ESCAPE FROM DEGRADATION
English and the vernaculars in place of Persian. Then came
the abolition of the Qazis, who, during the Muslim rule,
administered the Shariat. In their places, were appointed law
officers and judges, who might be of any religion but who got the
right of interpreting Muslim Law and whose decisions became
binding on Muslims. These were severe blows to the Muslims.
As a result, the Muslims found their prestige gone their laws
replaced, their language shelved and their education shorn
of its monetary value. Along with these came more palpable
blows in the shape of annexation of Sind and Oudh and the
Mutiny. The last, particularly, affected the higher classes of
Muslims, who suffered enormously by the extensive confiscation
of property inflicted upon them by the British, as a punishment
for their suspected complicity in the Mutiny. By the end of the
Mutiny, the Musalmans, high and low, were brought down by
these series of events to the lowest depths of broken pride,
black despair and general penury. Without prestige, without
education and without resources, the Muslims were left to face
the Hindus. The British, pledged the neutrality, were indifferent
to the result of the struggle between the two communities.
The result was that the Musalmans were completely worsened
in the struggle. The British conquest of India brought about
a complete political revolution in the relative position of the
two communities. For six hundred years, the Musalmans
had been the masters of the Hindus. The British occupation
brought them down to the level of the Hindus. From masters
to fellow subjects was degradation enough, but a change from
the status of fellow subjects to that of subjects of the Hindus
is really humiliation. Is it unnatural, ask the Muslims, if they
seek an escape from so intolerable a position by the creation
of separate national States, in which the Muslims can find
a peaceful home and in which the conflicts between a ruling
race and a subject race can find no place to plague their lives ?
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