Vol. 9 · pages 166–170
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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because of this that I have deliberately excluded temples
from its scope and confined it only to public rights of a
civic nature, the exercise of which I feel Government is
bound to protect.
2. EQUALIT Y OF OPPORTUNIT Y
The second thing I would like the Anti-Untouchability
League to work for, is to bring about equality of opportunity
for the Depressed Classes. Much of the misery and poverty
of the Depressed Classes is due to the absence of equality
of opportunity which in its turn is due to untouchability.
I am sure you are aware that the Depressed Classes in
villages and even in towns cannot sell vegetables, milk or
butter—ways of earning a living which are open to all and
sundry. A caste Hindu will buy these things from a nonHindu, but he will not buy them from the Depressed Classes.
In the matter of enjoyment, his condition is the worst. In
Government Departments the bar-sinister operates and he
is denied the place of a constable or even a messenger. In
industries he fares no better. Like the Negro in America
he is the last to be employed in days of prosperity and
the first to be fired in days of adversity. And even when
he gets a foothold, what are his prospects ? In the Cotton
Mills in Bombay and Ahmedabad he is confined to the
lowest paid department where he can earn only Rs. 25
per month. More paying departments like the weaving
department are permanently closed to him. Even in the
low paid departments he cannot rise to the highest rung
of the ladder. The place of the boss is reserved for the
caste Hindu while the Depressed Class worker must slave
as his underdog, no matter how senior or how efficient.
In departments where the earning depends on piece work,
he has failed to earn as well as Caste Hindu employees
because of social discrimination. Depressed Classes women
working in the Winding and Reeling Departments have come
to me in hundreds complaining that the Naikins instead of
distributing the raw material to all employees equally or
in fair proportion, give all of it to the caste Hindu women
and leave them in the cold. I have given only a few of
the instances of the gross inequality of opportunity from
which the Depressed Classes are suffering mainly at the
hands of the Hindus. I think it would be fit and proper,
if the Anti-Untouchability League were to take up this
question by creating public opinion in condemnation of
it and establishing bureaus to deal with urgent cases of
inequality. I would particularly desire the League to tackle
the problem of opening the Weaving department of the
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Cotton mills to the Depressed Classes as it is likely to make
a very large opening for prosperous employment to members
of the Depressed Classes. Much can be done by private
firms and companies managed by Hindus by extending their
patronage to the Depressed Classes and by employing them
in their offices in various grades and occupations suited to
the capacities of the applicants.
3. SOCIAL INTERCOURSE
Lastly, I think the League should attempt to dissolve
that nausea, which the touchables feel towards the
Untouchables and which is the reason why the two sections
have remained so much apart as to constitute separate and
distinct entities. In my opinion the best way of achieving
it is to establish closer contact between the two. Only a
common cycle of participation can help people to overcome
the strangeness of feeling which one has, when brought into
contact with the other. Nothing can do this more effectively
in my opinion than the admission of the Depressed Classes
to the houses of the caste Hindus as guests or servants.
The live contact thus established will familiarize both to a
common and associated life and will pave the way for that
unity which we are all striving after. I am sorry that many
caste Hindus who have shown themselves responsive are not
prepared for this. During those ten days of the Mahatma’s
fast that shook the Indian world, there were cases in Vile
Parle and in Mahad where the caste Hindu servants had
struck work because their masters had abrogated the rules
of untouchability by fraternising with the Untouchables. I
expected that they would end the strike and teach a lesson
to the erring masses by filling the vacancies by employing
Depressed Classes in their place. Instead of doing that they
capitulated with the forces of orthodoxy and strengthened
them. I do not know how far such fair-weather friends of
the Depressed Classes would be of help to them. People
in distress can have very little consolation from the fact
that they have sympathisers, if those sympathisers will do
nothing more than sympathise, and I may as well tell the
League that the Depressed Classes will never be satisfied
of the bona fides of these caste Hindu sympathisers until it
is proved that they are prepared to go to the same length
of fighting against their own kith and kin actual warfare
if it came to that for the sake of the Depressed Classes
as the Whites of the North did against their own kith
and Ton, namely, the Whites of the South for the sake
of the emancipation of the Negro. But this thing apart, I
think it is necessary that the League should endeavour to
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inculcate upon the mind of the Hindu public the necessity
of establishing contact and social intercourse between
the touchables and the untouchables in the way I have
mentioned.
4. AGENCY TO BE EMPLOYED
The League will hare to employ a very large army of
workers to carry out its programme. The appointment of
social workers might perhaps be looked upon as a minor
question. Speaking for myself, I attach very great importance
to the selection of a proper agency to be employed in
this behalf. There can always be found workers to do a
particular piece of work or any other for the matter of that
if they are paid for it. I am sure such mercenary workers
will not serve the purpose of the League. As Tolstoy said:
“Only those who love can serve.” In my opinion that test
is more likely to be fulfilled by workers drawn from the
Depressed Classes. I should therefore like the League to
bear this aspect of the question in mind in deciding upon
whom to appoint and when not to appoint. I do not suggest
that there are not scoundrels among the Depressed Classes
who have not made social service their last refuge. But
largely speaking you can be more sure that a worker drawn
from the Depressed Classes will regard the work as love’s
labour—a thing which is so essential to the success of the
League. Secondly, there are agencies which are already
engaged in same sort of social service without any confines
as to class or purpose—and may be prepared to supplement
their activity by taking up the work of Anti-Untouchability
League in consideration of a grant-in-aid. I am sure this
hire-purchase system of work—if I may use that expression—
can produce no lasting good. What is wanted in an agency
is a singleminded devotion to one task and one task only.
We want bodies and organisations which have deliberately
chosen to be narrow-minded in order to be enthusiastic
about their cause. The work it is to be assigned must be
assigned to those who would undertake to devote themselves
exclusively to the work of the Depressed Classes.
I am afraid I have already trespassed the limits of a letter
and I do not think I can err further in that direction without
being tediously long. I had many other things to say but I
now propose to reserve them for another occasion. Before
closing this I wish to say just this. It was Balfour I think
who said-that what could hold the British Empire together
was love and not law. I think that observation applies equally
to the Hindu Society. The touchables and the untouchables
cannot be held together by law—certainly not by any electoral
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law substituting joint electorates for separate electorates. The
only thing that can hold them together is love. Outside the
family justice alone in my opinion can open the possibility
of love, and it should be the duty of the Anti-Untouchability
League to see that the touchable does, or failing that is made
to do, justice to the Untouchable. Nothing else in my opinion
can justify the project or the existence of the League.
With best wishes and kind regards.
I am,
Yours sincerely,
(Sd.) B. R. AMBEDKAR.
F.S.
I am releasing this to the Press so that the general public
may know my views and have an opportunity to consider them.
To
A. V. THAKKAR, ESQ.,
General Secretary,
Anti-Untouchability League,
Birla House,
New Delhi.
IV
To my great surprise, I found that no attention was paid
to my proposals. Indeed, my letter was not even acknowledged!
I felt that there was no use in my remaining in the Sangh. I
dissociated myself from it. I found that in my absence the aims
and objects had undergone a complete change. At the meeting
Held in Cowasjee Jehangir Hall in Bombay on the 30th September
1932 the aims of the organization were stated to be:—
“Carrying propaganda against Untouchability and taking
immediate steps ‘to secure as early as practicable that all
public wells, dharamshalas, roads, schools, crematoriums,
burning ghats and all public temples be declared open to the
Depressed Classes, provided that no compulsion or force shall
be used and that only peaceful persuasion shall be adopted
towards this end.’”
But in the statement issued by Mr. G. D. Birla and Mr. A. V.
Thakkar on the 3rd November two months after its inauguration
it was stated :—
“The League believes that reasonable persons among the
Sanatanists are not much against the removal of Untouch-
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ability as such, as they ate against inter-caste dinners and
marriages. Since it is not the ambition of the League to undertake reforms beyond its own scope, it is desirable to make it
clear that while the League will work by persuasion among
the caste Hindus to remove every vestige of Untouchability,
the main line of work will be constructive, such as the uplift
of Depressed Classes educationally, economically and socially,
which itself will go a great way to remove untouchability.
With such a work even a staunch Sanatanist can have
nothing but sympathy. And it is for such work mainly
that the League has been established. Social reforms like
the abolition of the caste system and inter-dining are kept
outside the scope of the League.”
Here there was a complete departure from the original
aims of the organization. Removal of Untouchability had only
a nominal place in the programme. Constructive work became
the main part of the work of the Sangh. It is pertinent to
ask why this change in the aims and objects was made. This
change in the aims and objects could not have been brought
about without, the knowledge and consent of Mr. Gandhi. The
only reason one can see is that the original programme was
most inconvenient to Mr. Gandhi. Removal of Untouchability
as a platform was very good, but as a programme of action
it was bound to have made Mr. Gandhi very unpopular with
the Hindus. He was not prepared to court such unpopularity.
He therefore preferred the programme of constructive work
which had all advantages and no disadvantages. The Hindus
did not mind it. Mr. Gandhi could pursue it without incurring
the displeasure of the Hindus. The programme of constructive
work had no such disadvantage. On the other hand, it had a
positive advantage to recommend it. It had the possibility of
destroying the independent movement which the Untouchables
had built up and which had forced Mr. Gandhi in 1932 to yield
to its demands by agreeing to the Poona Pact by dangling
well before them the benefits of the constructive work, a
consummation which all Congressmen so devoutly wish. It
could make Untouchables Congressmen and most gracefully
too. The programme of constructive work had the possibility of
being converted into a plan to kill Untouchables by kindness.
This as a matter of fact has happened. The Harijan Sevak
Sangh is intolerent of any movement on the part of the