Vol. 9 · pages 221–225
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables
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Europe; but they are not taken into account by the people
of Europe in framing their constitutions. Why should they
be taken into account in India ? The thesis is general. But
it may be extended to such a length that even the claim of
the Untouchables may be enveloped by it. As such I prefer
to state why I think it is unsound.
In making my comments I propose to make a distinction
between the statement and the argument founded on it and
deal with them separately. The statement is good up to a
point. In so far as it alleges that every society consists of
groups it cannot be challenged. For even in European or
American society there are groups associated together in
various ways and for various purposes. Some are like the
kindred closely bound together by blood or language. Some
are of the nature of social classes differentiated on the
basis of rank and status. Others are religious associations
upholding particular dogmas, not to mention, political parties
and industrial corporations, criminal gangs and so on in
an endless variety with differing aims and bound together
some loosely some closely by differing degrees of affinity.
But when the statement goes beyond and says that the
castes in India are not different from group and classes in
Europe and America it is nothing but an arrant nonsense.
The groups and classes of Europe may be the same as the
caste in India to look at. But fundamentally was are quite
different. The chief distinguishing feature is the isolation
and exclusiveness which are the hall-marks of the castes in
India and which are maintained as matter not of routine but
of faith none of which characteristics is to be found in the
group or the class system of Europe or America.
Turning to the thesis the social organization of India being
different from, what it is in Europe and America it follows
that while Europe and America need not take into account
the facts and circumstances of their social organization in
framing their constitution, India cannot omit to take account
of her Caste and Untouchability. For a fuller understanding
of the matter I may explain why Europe need not and why
India must. The danger to a society organized in groups is that
each group develops what are called “is own interests” and
the question of forging constitutional safeguards arises from
the necessity of counteracting the mischief that such interest
might cause to others outside it. Where there is a possibility of
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counteracting the mischief by non-political means there is no
necessity for forging constitutional safeguards. If, on the other
hand, non-political means of counteracting it do not exist then
constitutional means must be forged. In Europe the possibility
of counteracting mischief arising from a group seeking to
maintain “its own interest” does exist. It exists because of
the absence of isolation and exclusiveness among the various
groups which allows free scope for interaction with the result
that the dominant purpose of a group to stand out for its
own interests and always seek to protect them as something
violate and sacred gives way to a broadening and socialization
of its aims and purposes. This endosmosis between groups
in Europe affects dispositions and produces a society which
can be depended upon for community of thought, harmony of
purposes and unity of action. But the case of India is , totally
different. The caste in India is exclusive and isolated. There is
no interaction and no modification of aims and objects. What a
caste or a combination of castes regard “as their own interest”
as against other castes remains as sacred and inviolate as ever.
The fact that they mingle and co-operate does not alter their
character. These acts of co-operation are mechanical and not
social. Individuals use one another so as to get desired results,
without reference to the emotional arid intellectual disposition.
The fact that they give and take orders modify actions and
results. But it does not affect their dispositions. That being
the case, the Indian constitution must provide safeguards to
prevent castes with “their own interests” from doing mischief
to other helpless castes.
There is another distinguishing feature of the Indian caste
system which justifies why the Indian Constitution must take
account of it and provide against mischief arising from it.
Every society consists of groups. But it must be recognized
that the mutual relations of the groups are not the same
everywhere. In one society groups may be only non-social in
their attitude towards one another. But in another they may be
anti-social. Where the spirit which actuates the various social
groups is only non-social their existence may not be taken
into account in framing a constitution. There is no cause for
danger in a group which is only non-social. But where a group
is actuated by an anti-social spirit towards another and to
which alien is synonymous with enemy the fact must be taken
into account in framing the constitution and the class which
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has been the victim of anti-social spirit must be given protection
by proper safeguards. In India the castes are not merely nonsocial. Often they are anti-social. This is particularly true
of the Hindus towards the Untouchables. A few facts will
suffice to show how anti-social the Hindus are towards the
Untouchables. For instance, the Hindus will not allow the
Untouchables to take water from a well. The Hindus will not
allow the Untouchables entry in schools. The Hindus will not
allow the Untouchables to travel in buses. The Hindus will
not allow the Untouchables to travel in the same railway
compartment. The Hindus will not allow Untouchables to
wear clean clothes. The Hindus will not allow Untouchables
to wear jewellery. The Hindus will not allow Untouchables
to put tiles on the roofs of their houses. The Hindus will
not tolerate Untouchables to own land. The Hindus will not
allow Untouchables to keep cattle. The Hindus will not allow
an Untouchable to sit when Hindu is standing. They are not
isolated acts of a few bad men among the Hindus. They are
the emanations of the permanent anti-social attitude of the
Hindu community against the Untouchables. 1
It is unnecessary to carry the matter further. It is enough
to say that the thesis is full of fallacies and it would be a
most shameful piece of chicanery if it was used as a ground
for opposing the demand of the Untouchables for constitutional
safeguards.
V
There is another floating argument one sometimes comes
across. The basis of the argument is that Untouchability is
a vanishing thing and therefore there is no use recognizing
the Untouchables as a separate element in the national life
of India. Everything is vanishing and there is nothing that
is permanent in human history. The point may be considered
when Untouchability has gone root and branch. Until that
state arrives, it is unnecessary to pay any regard to it. We
must all hope for the disappearance of Untouchability. But
we must be careful not to be misled by people who boast of
being incorrigible optimists. An optimist is a good companion
1. For details, see my forthcoming volume—‘What The Hindus Have Dons To Us’
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to cheer up when one is in a state of depression. But he is
not always a truthful witness of facts.
This argument is no argument at all. But since some
people may be allured by it I wish to expose it and to show
how futile it is. Those who raise this point do not seem to
make a distinction between Untouchability as a touch-menot-ism and Untouchability as a mental attitude manifesting
itself in social discrimination. The two are quite different. It
may be that Untouchability as a touch-me-not-ism may be
gradually vanishing in towns, although I am doubtful if this
is happening in any appreciable degree. But I am quite certain
Untouchability as a propensity on the part of the Hindus to
discriminate against the Untouchables will not vanish either
in towns or in villages within an imaginable distance of time.
Not only Untouchability as a discriminating propensity will
not disappear but Untouchability as touch-me-not-ism will
not disappear within a measurable distance of time in the
vast number of villages in which the vast number of Hindus
live and will continue to live. You cannot untwist a twothousand-year-twist of the human mind and turn it in the
opposite direction.
I am quite aware that there are some protagonists of
Hinduism who say that Hinduism is a very adaptable religion,
that it can adjust itself to everything and absorb anything. I
do not think many people would regard such a capacity in a
religion as a virtue to be proud of just as no one would think
highly of a child because it has developed the capacity to eat
dung, and digest it. But that is another matter. It is quite
true that Hinduism can adjust itself. The best example of its
adjust ability is the literary production called Allahupanishad
which the Brahmins of the time of Akbar produced to give a
place to his Dine-Ilahi within Hinduism and to recognize it
as the Seventh system of Hindu philosophy. It is true that
Hinduism can absorb many things. The beef-eating Hinduism
(or strictly speaking Brahmanism which is the proper name of
Hinduism in its earlier stage) absorbed the non-violence theory
of Buddhism and became a religion of vegetarianism. But there
is one thing which Hinduism has never been able to do—namely
to adjust itself to absorb the Untouchables or to remove the
bar of Untouchability. There have been many reformers who,
long before Mr. Gandhi came on the scene, tried to remove the
stain of Untouchability. But they have all failed. The reason
for their failure appears to me to be very simple. Hindus
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have nothing to fear from the Untouchables, nor have they
anything to gain by the abolition of Untouchability. Hindus
gave up beef-eating because they were afraid that otherwise
Buddhism would overpower Hinduism. Hindus wrote Allahupanishad because they had everything to gain by helping
Akbar to establish a new religion. The author gained money
by pleasing the Emperor and by lending aid to establish a
religion which promised less tyranny and oppression to the
Hindus than Islam held out. Neither of these considerations
exist for the most sanguine among the Untouchables to
expect that the Hindus will readily put an end to this curse
of Untouchability.
Not only have the Hindus nothing to fear and nothing
to gain, they have in fact much to lose by the abolition
of Untouchability. The system of Untouchability is a gold
mine to the Hindus. In it the 240 millions of Hindus have
60 millions of Untouchables to serve as their retinue to
enable the Hindus to maintain pomp and ceremony and to
cultivate a feeling of pride and dignity befitting a master
class which cannot be fostered and sustained unless there is
beneath it a servile class to look down upon. In it the 240
millions of Hindus have 60 millions of Untouchables to be
used as forced labour and because of their state of complete
destitution and helplessness can be compelled to work on
a mere pittance and sometimes on nothing at all. In it the
240 millions of Hindus have 60 millions of Untouchables
to do the dirty work of scavengers and sweepers which the
Hindu is debarred by his religion to do and which must be
done for the Hindus by non-Hindus who could be no others
than Untouchables. In it the 240 millions of Hindus have
60 millions of Untouchables who can be kept to lower jobs
and prevented from entering into competition for higher jobs
which are preserved for the Hindus. In it the 240 millions of
Hindus have 60 millions of Untouchables who can be used
as shock-absorbers in slumps and deadweights in booms, for
in slumps it is the Untouchable who is fired first and the
Hindu is fired last and in booms the Hindu is employed first
and the Untouchable is employed last.
Most people believe that Untouchability is a religious
system. That is true. But it is a mistake to suppose that it is
only a religious system. Untouchability is more than a religious
system. It is also an economic system which is worse than