Vol. 9 · pages 276–280
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES :
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of Untouchability or got himself interested in any activity
beneficial to the Untouchables during this period. While
Mr. Gandhi was inactive the Untouchables had started a
movement called the satyagraha movement. The object of the
movement was to establish their right to take water from public
wells and public temples. The satyagraha at the Chowdar
Tank situated in Mahad, a town in the Kolaba District of the
Bombay Presidency, was organised to establish the right of
the Untouchables to take water from public watering places.
The satyagraha at the Kala Ram Temple situated in Nasik,
a town in the Nasik District of the Bombay Presidency, was
organised to establish the right of the Untouchables to enter
Hindu temples. There were many minor satyagrahas. These
were, however, the two principal ones over which the efforts
of the Untouchables and their opponents, the Caste Hindus,
were concentrated. The din and noise caused by them were
heard all over India. Thousands of men and women from
the Untouchables-took part in these satyagrahas. Both men
and women belonging to the Untouchables were insulted
and beaten by the Hindus. Many were injured and some
were imprisoned by Government on the ground of causing
breach of the peace. This satyagraha movement went on
for full six years when it was brought to a close in 1935 at
a Conference held in Yeola in Nasik District in which the
Untouchables as a result of the adamantine attitude of the
Hindus in refusing to give them equal social rights resolved
to go out of the Hindu fold. This satyagraha movement was
no doubt independent of the Congress. It was organised by
the Untouchables, led by the Untouchables and financed by
the Untouchables. Yet the Untouchables were not without
hope of getting the moral support of Mr. Gandhi. Indeed
they had very good ground for getting it. For the weapon of
satyagraha—the essence of which is to melt the heart of the
opponent by suffering—was the weapon which was forged
by Mr. Gandhi, and who had led the Congress to practise it
against the British Government for winning Swaraj. Naturally
the Untouchables expected full support from Mr. Gandhi to
their satyagraha against the Hindus the object of which was
to establish then-right to take water from public wells and
to enter public Hindu temples. Mr. Gandhi however did not
give his support to the satyagraha. Not only did he not give
his support, he condemned it in strong terms.
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In this connection reference may be made to two novel
weapons for redressing human wrongs. Mr. Gandhi claims
exclusive credit for forging and perfecting them. First is
satyagraha. Mr. Gandhi has put into action this weapon of
satyagraha many a times against the British Government
for the removal of political wrongs. But Mr. Gandhi has
never used the weapon of satyagraha against Hindus to get
them to throw open wells and temples to the Untouchables.
Fasting is another weapon of Mr. Gandhi. It is said that there
have been altogether 21 fasts to the credit of Mr. Gandhi.
Some were for the sake of Hindu-Muslim unity and quite
a number as atonements for the immoralities committed by
the inmates of his Ashram. One was against the order of
the Government of Bombay refusing to give the work of a
scavenger in the gaol to a prisoner by name Mr. Patwardhan
although he demanded it. In these 21 fasts there is not one
undertaken for the removal of Untouehability. These are
very significant facts.
In 1930 came the Round Table Conference. Mr. Gandhi
joined the deliberations of the Conference 1 in 1931. The
Conference was concerned with a vital question of framing
a constitution for a self-governing India. It was unanimously
held that if India was to be a self-governing country then
the government must be a government of the people, by
the people and for the people. Everybody agreed that only
when a government is in a real sense a government by the
people that it could be a government of the people and for
the people. The problem was how to make it a government
by the people in a country rent into communities, majorities
and minorities, who are charged not merely with social
cleavages but also with social antagonisms. Having regard
to these circumstances it was agreed that in India there was
no possibility of government by the people unless Legislature
and the Executive were framed on the basis of communal
representation.
The problem of the Untouchables loomed large at the
Conference. It assumed a new aspect. The question was :
Should the Untouchables be left as they were to the tender
mercies of the Hindus or should they be given the means
to protect themselves by extending to them the principle of
communal representation? The Untouchables strongly objected
to be left to the pleasure of the Hindus and demanded the same
1 For details see Chapter III.
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protection as was given to the other minorities. The contention
of the Untouchables was accepted by all. It was just and
logical. They contended that the chasm between the Hindus
and Muslims, between Hindus and Sikhs, between Hindus and
Christians is nothing as compared with the chasm between
the Hindus and the Untouchables. It is the widest and the
deepest. The chasm between the Hindus and the Muslims is
religious and not social. That between the Hindus and the
Untouchables is both religious and social. The antagonism
arising out of the chasm existing between Hindus and Muslims
cannot spell political disaster to the Muslims because the
relationship between the Hindus and the Muslims is not that
of master and slave. It is one of mere estrangement. On the
other hand, the chasm between Hindus and the Untouchables
must spell political disaster for the Untouchables because the
relationship between the two is that of master and slave. The
Untouchables contended that the attempts to close the gap
between them and the Hindus by means of social process had
been tried for ages. They had all failed. There was no hope of
their success. Since power is being transferred into the hands
of the Hindu majority they must have political safeguards of
the same sort as, if not better, than those conceded to the
Muslims and other minorities.
Here was an opportunity to Mr. Gandhi to show his
sympathy to the Untouchables by lending his support to their
demand and thereby strengthen their power of resistance
against the tyranny and oppression of the Hindus. Instead
of showing his sympathy, Mr. Gandhi used every means in
his power to defeat them. He made a pact with the Muslims
with a view to isolate the Untouchables. Failing to win the
Musalmans to his side, he went on a fast unto death to
compel the British Government to withdraw their decision to
give to the Untouchables the same political rights as given
to the Muslims and other minority communities. When the
fast failed and Mr. Gandhi was obliged to sign a pact—called
the Poona Pact—which conceded the political demands of the
Untouchables he took his revenge by letting the Congress
employ foul electioneering tactics to make their political rights
of no avail.
In 1933, Mr. Gandhi took up two movements. First was
the Temple-entry Movement. 1 He took personal responsibility
1 For details see Chapter IV.
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for seeing through these two measures. One was the opening
of the Guruvayur temple. The other was the passing of the
Temple-entry Bill sponsored by Mr. Ranga Iyer in the Central
Legislature. Mr. Gandhi said that he would fast unto death
if the trustee of the Guruvayur temple did not throw it open
to the Untouchables by a certain date. The Guruvayur temple
still remains closed to the Untouchables but Mr. Gandhi has
not fulfilled his vow of going on fast. Surprising as it may be
he has done nothing to get the temple declared open to the
Untouchables although it is now thirteen years since he took the
vow. Mr. Gandhi virtually coerced the Governor-General to give
his sanction to the introduction of the Temple-entry Bill. The
Congress party in the Central Legislature which was pledged
to carry through the Bill refused to support it when the stage
of referring it to a Select Committee came on the ground that
the Bill gave offence to the Hindus and in the election that
was pending the Hindus would seek revenge on the Congress
and defeat it at the poll if the Congress supported the Bill. To
the great chagrin of Mr. Ranga Iyer, the Congress party let
him down by leaving the Bill to die. Mr. Gandhi did not mind
this. He even went to the length of justifying the conduct of
the Congress Party.
The other movement which Mr. Gandhi sponsored in 1933
was the establishment of the Harijan Sevak Sangh 1 with a
net-work of branches all over India. There were three motives
which lay behind the organization of the Sangh. First was to
prove that Hindus had enough charitable spirit towards the
Untouchables and that they would show it by their generous
contributions towards their uplift. The second motive was
to serve the Untouchables by helping them in the many
difficulties with which they were faced in their daily life. The
third motive was to create in the minds of the Untouchables
a sense of confidence in the Hindus from whom they were
estranged in matters political. None of the three objects has
been realized. In the first flush the Hindus contributed a total
of about 8 lakhs of rupees for the Sangh which is of course
nothing as compared to the crores they have contributed
for general political purposes. After that they have gone
dry. The Sangh is now depending for its finances either on
Government grants or on the income derived from the sale of
Mr. Gandhi’s autographs or on the munificence of some wealthy
For details see Chapter V.
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merchant who makes a contribution to the Sangh, not because
he loves the Untouchables but because he thinks it profitable
to please Mr. Gandhi. The branches of the Sangh are being
closed every year. The Sangh is contracting and contracting
so rapidly that very soon it will have only a centre and no
circumference. That the Hindus have lost interest in the
Sangh is not the only regrettable aspect of this activity of
Mr. Gandhi. The Sangh has not been able to secure the
good will and the co-operation of the Untouchables for whose
benefit it is supposed to have been started. This is due
to various reasons. The work of the Sangh is of the most
inconsequential kind. It does not catch anyone’s imagination.
It neglects most urgent purposes for which the Untouchables
need help and assistance. The Sangh rigorously excludes
the Untouchables from its management. The Untouchables
are no more than beggars—mere recipients of charity. The
result is that the Untouchables feel no concern for the Sangh.
They look upon it as a foreign body set up by the Hindus
with some ulterior motive. Here was an opportunity for
Mr. Gandhi to make the Sangh a real bridge between the
Hindus and the Untouchables. He could make it a virile
institution by improving its programme of work and by
allowing the Untouchables to participate in its working. Mr.
Gandhi has done nothing of the kind. He has allowed the
Sangh to languish. It is dying peacefully and may perish
even during the life-time of Mr. Gandhi.
There need be no surprise if this survey of Mr. Gandhi’s
anti Untouchability campaign, of his sayings and his doings
baffles and puzzles the reader. There need be no wonder if
the reader were to pause and ask a few questions on the
lines set out below to clear his own mind :
(1) In 1921, Mr. Gandhi collected 1 crore and 35 lakhs
of rupees for the Tilak Swaraj Fund. Mr. Gandhi insisted
that there was no possibility of winning swaraj unless
Untouchability was removed. Why did he not protest when
only a paltry sum of Rs. 43,000 was. given to the cause of
the Untouchables ?
(2) In 1922 there was drawn up the Bardoli Programme
of constructive work. Uplift of the Untouchables was an
important item in it. A Committee was appointed to work
out the details. The Committee never functioned and was
dissolved and the uplift of the Untouchables as an item in the