Vol. 9 · pages 36–40
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES :
A STRANGE EVENT
that they should send their sons where they are guarded
from coarse influences as Englishmen guard their own sons
in England.”
* * *
The second reason why one is justified in describing the
passing of this resolution as a strange event lies in the fact that
it was entirely opposed to the declared policy of the Congress. In
these days when the “Constructive Programme” of the Congress
is hawked from every street and at all times when the Congress
is resting after an active campaign of non-co-operation and civil
disobedience, this statement may well cause surprise to present
day Congressmen and their friends. The following extracts from
the addresses of the Presidents who presided at the Annual
Sessions of the Congress will suffice to bring home the fact that
the Congress policy was to give no place to questions of Social
Reform in the aims and objects of the Congress.
To begin with, Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji who presided at the
Second Session of the Indian National Congress held in Calcutta
in the year 1886. In this presidential address he referred to the
Congress attitude towards Social Reform and said :—
“It has been asserted that this Congress ought to take
up questions of social reform (Cheers and cries of ‘Yes, Yes’)
and our failure to do this has been urged as a reproach
against us. Certainly no member of this National Congress
is more alive to the necessity of social reform than I am ;
but, Gentlemen, for everything there are proper times, proper
circumstances, proper parties and proper places (Cheers);
we are met together as a political body to represent to our
rulers our political aspirations, not to discuss social reforms,
and if you blame us for ignoring these, you should equally
blame the House of Commons for not discussing the abstruser
problems of mathematics or metaphysics. But, besides this,
there are here Hindus of every caste, amongst whom, even
in the same province, customs and social arrangements differ
widely—there are Mahomedans and Christians of various
denominations, Parsis, Sikhs, Brahmos and what not—men
indeed of each and of all those numerous classes which
constitute in the aggregate the people of India. (Loud Cheers).
How can this gathering of all classes discuss the social
reforms needed in each individual class ?... Only the members
of that class can effectively deal with the reforms therein
needed. A National Congress must confine itself to questions
in which the entire nation has a direct participation, and it
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR :
WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
must leave the adjustment of social reforms and other class
questions to Class Congresses....”
The subject was again referred to by the Hon. Mr. Budruddin
Tyabji who presided over the Third Annual Session of the Congress
held in 1887. Mr. Tyabji observed :—
“...It has been urged—solemnly urged—as an objection
against our proceedings—that this Congress does not
discuss the question of Social Reforms... I must confess
that the objection seems to me strange, seeing that this
Congress is composed of the representatives, not of any one
class or community, not of one part of India, but of all the
different parts, and of all the different classes, and of all
the different communities of India. Whereas any question of
Social Reform must of necessity affect some particular part
or some particular community of India only and, therefore,
Gentlemen, it seems to me, that although we, Mussalmans,
have our own social problems to solve, just as our Hindu and
Parsi friends have theirs, yet these questions can be best
dealt with by the leaders of the particular communities to
which they relate (Applause). I, therefore, think, Gentlemen,
that the only wise and, indeed, the only possible course we
can adopt is to confine our discussions to such questions as
affect the whole of India at large, and to abstain from the
discussion of questions that affect a particular part or a
particular community only.”
The third occasion when the subject was referred to was in
1892, when Mr. W.C. Bannerjee in his Presidential address to the
Eighth Session of the Congress gave expression to the following
sentiments :—
“Some of our critics have been busy in telling us, thinking
they knew our affairs better than we know them ourselves,
that we ought not to meddle with political matters, but
leaving politics aside devote ourselves to social subjects
and so improve the social system of our country ; I am one
of those who have very little faith in the public discussion
of social matters ; those are things which I think, ought
to be left to the individuals of a community who belong to
the same social organisation to do what they can for its
improvement. We know how excited people become when
social subjects are discussed in public. Not long ago we
had an instance of this when what was called the Age of
Consent Bill was introduced into the Viceregal Legislative
Council. I do not propose to say one word as to the merits
of the controversy that arose over that measure, but I
allude to it to illustrate how apt the public mind is to get
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A STRANGE EVENT
agitated over these social matters if they are discussed in a
hostile and unfriendly spirit in public... I may point out that
we do not all understand in the same sense what is meant
by social reform. Some of us are anxious that our daughters
should have the same education as our sons, that they should
go to Universities, that they should adopt learned professions ;
others who are more timid would be content with seeing
that their children are not given in marriage when very
young, and that child widows should not remain widows all
the days of their lives. Others more timid still would allow
social problems to solve themselves...the Congress commenced
and has since remained, and will, I sincerely trust, always
remain as a purely political organization devoting its energies
to political matters and political matters only. I am afraid
that those whether belonging to our own country or to any
other country, who find fault with us for not making social
subjects a part of our work, cherish a secret wish that we
might all be set by the ears, as we are all set by the ears by
the Age of Consent Bill, and that thus we might come to an
ignominious end. They mean us no good, and when we find
critics of that description talking of the Congress as only fit
to discuss social problems, I think the wider the berth we
give them, the better...”
“I, for one, have no patience with those who say we shall
not be fit for political reform until we reform our social
system. I fail to see any connection between the two. Let me
take, for instance, one of the political reforms which we have
been suggesting year after year viz., the separation of judicial
from executive functions in the same officer. What possible
connection can there be between this, which is a purely
political reform and social reform ? In the same way, take
the Permanent Settlement which we have been advocating,
the amendment of the law relating to forests and other such
measures ;—and I ask again, what have these to do with
social reform ? Are we not fit for them because our widows
remain unmarried and our girls are given in marriage earlier
than in other countries ? because our wives and daughters do
not drive about with us visiting our friends ? because we do
not send our daughters to Oxford or Cambridge ? (Cheers.)”
The last occasion when a Congress President is found to
refer to this subject was in 1895 when the Congress Session
was held in Poona and was presided over by Mr. Surrendranath
Bannerjee. Touching upon the subject, in his presidential address,
Mr. Bannerjee said :—
“We cannot afford to have a schism in our camp. Already
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they tell us that it is a Hindu Congress, although the
presence of our Mahomedan friends completely contradicts
the statement. Let it not be said that this is the Congress
of one social party rather than that of another. It is the
Congress of United India, of Hindus and Mahomedans, of
Christians, of Parsis and of Sikhs, of those who would reform
their social customs and those who would not. Here we stand
upon a common platform—here we have all agreed to bury
our social and religious differences and recognise the one
common fact that being subjects of the same Sovereign and
living under the same Government and the same political
institutions, we have common rights and common grievances.
And we have called forth this Congress into existence with
a view to safeguard and extend our rights and redress our
grievances. What should we say of a Faculty of Doctors who
fell out, because though in perfect accord as to the principles
of their science, they could not agree as to the age at which
they should marry their daughters, or whether they should
remarry their widowed daughters or not...Ours is a political
and not a social movement ; and it cannot be made a matter
of complaint against us that we are not a social organization
any more than it can be urged against any of my lawyer
friends that they are not doctors. Even in regard to political
matters, such is our respect for the opinions of minorities,
that so far back as 1887, I think it was at the instance of
Mr. Badruddin Tyabji, who once was our President and
whose elevation to the Bench of the Bombay High Court is
a matter of national congratulation, a resolution was passed
to the effect that where there is practical unanimity among a
class, though in a minority in the Congress, that a question
should not be discussed, it should forthwith be abandoned.”
“There is special danger to which an organization such
as ours, is exposed and which must be guarded against,...
the danger of there being developed from within the seeds
of dissension and dispute.”
II
There are two questions about these statements which need
explanation. First is to know what the Social Reform party was to
which the Presidents refer. The second is why Mr. Surrendranath
Bannerjee’s address to the Congress in 1895 was the last occasion
when a Congress President found it necessary to refer to the
relation of the Congress to the problem of Social Reform and
why no president after 1895 thought it necessary to dwell on it.
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES :
A STRANGE EVENT
To understand the first question it is necessary to note that
when the Indian National Congress was founded at Bombay in
1885, it was felt by the leaders of the movement that the National
movement should not be exclusively political but that side by side
with the consideration of political questions, questions affecting
Indian social economy should also be discussed and that the best
endeavours of all should be put forth for vitalizing Hindu Society
by removing all social evils and social wrongs. With this view,
Dewan Bahadur R. Raghunath Rao and Mr. Justice (then Rao
Bahadur) M. G. Ranade delivered addresses on Social Reform on
the occasion of the meeting of the First Congress at Bombay. In
1886, at Calcutta, nothing further was done. Discussion, however,
was going on among the leaders of the Congress movement and
other leaders of educated Indian thought whether the Congress
as such should concern itself with social questions or whether a
separate body should be set up for the discussion of social questions.
It was at last resolved after mature deliberation by, among
others, Dewan Bahadur R. Raghunath Rao, Mr. Mahadeo Govind
Ranade, Mr. Narendra Nath Sen and Mr. Janakinath Ghosal,
that a separate organization called the Indian National Social
Conference, should be started for the consideration of subjects
relating to Indian social economy. Madras had the honour of being
the birth-place of the Conference, for, the First Indian National
Social Conference was held at Madras in December 1887, with
no less a man than the late Rajah Sir T. Madhavrao, K.C.S.I.,
the premier Indian statesman of his time, as the President. The
work done at this First Conference, however, was not much.
Among other important resolutions members then present
recognized the necessity of holding annual National Conferences
in different parts of India for considering and adopting measures
necessary for the improvement of the status of our society, and
of our social usages ; and taking steps to organize and establish
Provincial Sub-Committees of the Conferences. It was agreed that
among social subjects which the Conference might take up, those
relating to the disabilities attendant on distant sea-voyages, the
ruinous expenses of marriage, the limitations of age below which
marriages should not take place, the remarriages of youthful
widows, the evils of the re-marriages of old men with young
girls, the forms and evidences of marriages and inter-marriages