Vol. 9 · pages 371–375

342 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES The Working Committee added :— “The Congress had proposed that minority rights should be amply protected by agreement with the elected representatives of the minorities concerned.” This shows that even the Congress did not demand that the decision of minority rights should be included in the purview of the Constituent Assembly. His Majesty’s Government has, however, given them the additional right to decide this minority rights issue by a bare majority vote. With regard to the question of Pakistan, the same attitude is noticeable. The Muslim League did not demand that Pakistan must be conceded immediately. All that the Muslim League had asked for was that at the next revision of the Constitution, the Mussalmans should not be prevented from raising the question of Pakistan. The present proposals have gone a step beyond and distinctly give to the Muslim League the right to create Pakistan. These are constitutional proposals. They are intended to lead India to wage a total war in which Hindus, Mussalmans, Depressed Classes and Sikhs are called upon wholeheartedly to participate. Yet Sir Stafford Cripps, either with the consent or without the consent of His Majesty’s Government, has been making discrimination between major parties and minor parties. The major parties are those whose consent is necessary. Minor parties are those with whom consultation is believed to be enough. This is new distinction. Certainly it was never made in the prior pronouncements either of His Majesty’s Government or of the Viceroy. The pronouncement spoke of the “consent of the principal elements in the national life of India.” So far as the Depressed Classes are concerned, I am not aware of any pronouncement in which the Depressed Classes were placed on a lower plane than the one given to the Mussalmans. I quote the following from the speech of the Viceroy made in Bombay on January 10, 1941, from which it will be seen that the Depressed Classes were bracketed with the Mussalmans : “There are insistent claims of the minorities. I need refer only to two of them ; the great Muslim minority and the Scheduled Classes—there are the guarantees that have been given to the minorities in the past, the fact that their position must be safeguarded and that those guarantees must be honoured.” This invidious distinction now sought to be made is a breach of faith with those minorities whose position has been lowered by this discrimination. From a constitutional point of view of total war, it is bound to cause more disaffection and disloyalty in the country. It is for the British to consider whether in this attempt to win the friendship of those who have probably already decided to choose

343 WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES : APPENDIX X other friends, they should lose those who are their real friends. The proposals show a sudden volte face on the part of His Majesty’s Government. The putting forth of those proposals which were denounced by them as an invasion of minorities’ rights is an indication of their complete surrender of right to win might. This is Munich Mentality the essence of which is to save oneself by sacrificing others and it is this mentality which is writ large on those proposals. My advice to the British Government is that they should withdraw these proposals. If they cannot fight for right and justice and their plighted word they should better make peace. They can thereby at least save their honour. APPENDIX X CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN LORD WAVELL AND MR. GANDHI, 1944 1. Letter from Mr. Gandhi to Viceroy on July 15th, 1944. “DEAR FRIEND, You have no doubt seen the authentic copies, now published in the Indian Press, of the statements given by me to Mr. Gelder of the News Chronicle. As I have said to the Press, they were meant primarily to be shown to you. But Mr. Gelder, no doubt with the best of motives, gave the interview premature publicity. I am sorry. The publication will nevertheless be a blessing in disguise, if the interview enables you to grant at least one of my requests contained in my letter of June 17, 1944. I am yours, etc., (Sd.) M. K. GANDHI.” 2. Viceroy’s reply to Mr. Gandhi, dated 22nd July 1944. “DEAR MR. GANDHI, Thank you for your letter of July 15. I have seen the statements you have made to Mr. Gelder, and your subsequent explanation of them. I do not think I can usefully comment at present, except to repeat what I have said in my last letter that if you will submit to me a definite and constructive policy, I shall be glad to consider it. Yours sincerely, (Sd.) WAVELL.”

344 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES 3. Gandhi’s letter to the Viceroy, dated 27th July 1944. “DEAR FRIEND, I must admit my disappointment over your letter of 22nd instant. But I am used to work in the face of disappointment. Here is my concrete proposal. I am prepared to advise the Working Committee to declare that in view of changed conditions, mass civil disobedience envisaged by the resolution of August 1942, cannot be offered and that full cooperation in the war effort should be given by the Congress, if a declaration of immediate Indian independence is made and a National Government responsible to the Central Assembly be formed subject to the proviso that, during the pendency of the war, the military operations should continue as at present but without involving any financial burden on India. If there is a desire on the part of the British Government for a settlement, friendly talks should take the place of correspondence. But I am in your hands. I shall continue to knock so long as there is the least hope of an honourable settlement. After the foregoing was written, I saw Lord Munster’s speech in the House of Lords. The summary given by him in the House of Lords fairly represents my proposal. This summary may serve as a basis for mutual friendly discussion. I am, Yours sincerely, (Sd.) M. K. GANDHI.” 4. Viceroy’s reply to Mr. Gandhi, dated 15th August 1944. “DEAR MB, GANDHI, Thank you for your letter of July 27. Your proposals are :— (i) that you should undertake to advise the Working Committee : (a) “that in view of changed conditions mass civil disobedience envisaged by the resolution of August 1942, cannot be offered” and ( b) “that full co-operation in the war effort should be given by the Congress provided (ii) that His Majesty’s Government (a ) declare immediate Indian independence, and (b) form a “National Government” responsible to the Central Assembly “subject to the proviso that during the pendency of the war the military operations should continue as at present but without involving any financial burden on India.” His Majesty’s Government remain most anxious that a settlement of the Indian problem should be reached. But proposals such as those put forward by you are quite unacceptable to His Majesty’s

345 WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES : APPENDIX X Government as a basis for discussion and you must realise this if you have read Mr. Amery’s statement in the House of Commons on July 28th last. They are indeed very similar to the proposals made by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad to Sir Stafford Cripps in April 1942 and His Majesty’s Government’s reasons for rejecting them are the same as they were then. 3. Without recapitulating all these reasons in detail, I should remind you that His Majesty’s Government at that time made it clear: (a) That their offer of unqualified freedom after the cessation of hostilities was made conditional upon the framing of a Constitution agreed by the main elements of India’s national life and the negotiation of the necessary treaty arrangements with His Majesty’s Government: (b) That it is impossible during the period of hostilities to bring about any change in the Constitution by which means alone a “National Government” such as you suggest could be made responsible to the Central Assembly. The object of these conditions was to ensure the fulfilment of their duty to safeguard the interests of the racial and religious minorities of the Depressed Classes and their treaty obligations to the Indian States. 4. It was upon the above conditions that His Majesty’s Government invited Indian leaders to take part in an interim Government which would operate under the existing Constitution. I must make it quite clear that until the war is over responsibility for defence and military operations cannot be divided from the other responsibilities of Government and that until hostilities cease and the new Constitution is in operation, His Majesty’s Government and the Governor-General must retain their responsibility over the entire field. So far as the question of India’s share of the cost of the war is concerned, this is essentially a matter for settlement between His Majesty’s Government on the one hand and the Government of India on the other, and existing financial arrangements can only be reopened at the instance of one or the other. 5. It is clear in these circumstances that no purpose will be served by discussion on the basis which you suggest. If however the leaders of the Hindus, the Muslims and the important minorities were willing to co-operate in a transitional Government established and working within the present constitution, I believe good progress might be made. For such a transitional Government to succeed, there must before it is formed, be agreement in principle between , Hindus and Muslims and all important elements as to the method by which the new Constitution should be framed. This agreement is a matter for Indians themselves.

346 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES Until Indian leaders have come closer together than they are now, I doubt if I myself can do anything to help. Let me remind you too that minority problems are not easy. They are real and can be solved only by mutual compromise and tolerance. 6. The period after the termination of hostilities for which the transitional Government would last, would depend on the speed with which the new constitution could be framed. I see no reason why preliminary work on that Constitution should not begin as soon as the Indian leaders are prepared to co-operate to that end. If they can arrive at a genuine agreement as to the method of framing the Constitution, no unnecessary time need be spent after the war in reaching final conclusions and in agreeing treaty arrangements with His Majesty’s Government. There again the primary .responsibility rests on the Indian leaders. Yours sincerely, (Sd.) WAVELL.” APPENDIX XI POLITICAL DEMANDS OF SCHEDULED CASTES Resolutions passed by the Working Committee of the AllIndia Scheduled Castes Federation held in Madras on the 23rd September 1944 under the Presidentship of Rao Bahadur N. Shiva Raj, B.A., B.L., M.L.A., outlining the safeguards for the Untouchables in the new Constitution. RESOLUTION NO. 1 SUBJECT :—Recognition of the Scheduled Castes as a separate element. The Working Committee of the All-India Scheduled Castes Federation has found a section of the Press in India making the allegation, that the statement made by H. E. the Viceroy in his letter Mr. Gandhi dated the 15th August 1944 to the effect that the Scheduled Castes are one of the important and separate elements in the national life of India and requiring that the consent of the Scheduled Castes to the Constitution of India was a necessary condition precedent for transfer of power to Indians, is a departure from the position of His Majesty’s Government as defined in the Cripps Proposals. The Committee cannot help expressing its indignation at this propaganda and takes this occasion to state in most emphatic and categorical terms that the Scheduled Castes are a distinct and separate element in the national life of India and