Vol. 1 · pages 386–390
Castes in India, Annihilation of Caste, Linguistic States and other essays
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 386 (printed page 371)
COMMUNAL DEADLOCK AND A WAY TO SOLVE IT 371
6. PUNJAB
Community Percentage of
population to
total
Percentage of
Representation
Muslims .. .. .. 57.06 40
Hindus .. .. .. 22.17 28
Sikhs .. .. .. 13.22 21
Scheduled Castes .. .. .. 4.39 9
Indian Christians .. .. .. 1.71 2
7. C.P. & BERAR
Community Percentage of
population to
total
Percentage of
Representation
Hindus .. .. .. 72.20 40
Scheduled Castes .. .. .. 20.23 34
Muslims .. .. .. 5.70 25
Indian Christians .. .. .. 0.36 1
8. BIHAR
Community Percentage of
population to
total
Percentage of
Representation
Hindus .. .. .. 70.76 40
Muslims .. .. .. 15.05 30
Scheduled Castes .. .. .. 13.80 28
Indian Christians .. .. .. 1.71 2
9. ASSAM
Community Percentage of
population to
total
Percentage of
Representation
Hindus .. .. .. 45.60 40
Muslims .. .. .. 44.59 39
Scheduled Castes .. .. .. 8.76 19
Indian Christians .. .. .. 0.48 2
10. ORISSA
Community Percentage of
population to
total
Percentage of
Representation
Hindus .. .. .. 70.80 40
Scheduled Castes .. .. .. 17.66 36
Muslims .. .. .. 2.07 22
Indian Christians .. .. .. 0.37 2
PDF page 387 (printed page 372)
372 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
11. SIND
Community Percentage of
population to
total
Percentage of
Representation
Hindus .. .. .. 23.08 40
Muslims .. .. .. 71.30 40
Scheduled Castes .. .. .. 4.26 19
Indian Christians .. .. .. 0.29 1
VI
EFFECT ON MINORITIES
It may be desirable to set out in a tabular form the changes in the
representation of the different minorities as prescribed in the Government
of India Act, 1935, and as laid down in the proposals—
EFFECT ON MUSLIMS
Ratio of Representation
Legislature Population
Ratio
Under the
Government of
India Act, 1935
Under the
proposed
scheme
Central .. .. 28.50 32.00 32
Madras .. .. 8.00 13.49 24
Bombay .. .. 10.00 17.40 28
U.P. .. .. 15.30 28.95 29
C.P. .. .. 5.70 12.50 25
Bihar .. .. 15.00 26.32 28
Assam .. .. 44.60 31.48 38
Orissa .. .. 2.00 6.66 22
EFFECT ON SCHEDULED CASTES
Ratio of Representation
Legislature Population
Ratio
Under the
Government of
India Act, 1935
Under the
proposed
scheme
Central .. .. 14.30 7.60 20
Madras .. .. 16.50 13.90 30
Bombay .. .. 9.60 8.50 28
Bengal .. .. 12.60 12.00 25
U.P. .. .. 21.40 8.70 29
Punjab .. .. 4.40 4.50 9
C.P. .. .. 20.20 17.80 34
Bihar .. .. 13.80 9.80 28
Assam .. .. 8.70 6.50 20
Orissa .. .. 17.60 10.00 36
Sind .. .. 4.20 Nil. 19
PDF page 388 (printed page 373)
COMMUNAL DEADLOCK AND A WAY TO SOLVE IT 373
EFFECT ON INDIAN CHRISTIANS
Ratio of Representation
Legislature Population
Ratio
Under the
Government of
India Act, 1935
Under the
proposed
scheme
Central .. .. 1.16 3.00 3
Madras .. .. 4.10 4.20 5
Bombay .. .. 1.70 1.70 2
Bengal .. .. 0.19 0.80 1
U.P. .. .. 0.24 0.90 1
Punjab .. .. 1.70 1.14 2
C.P. .. .. 0.35 Nil 1
Bihar .. .. 1.70 0.66 2
Assam .. .. 0.48 0.90 2
Orissa .. .. 0.37 0.16 2
Sind .. .. 0.29 Nil 1
EFFECT ON SIKHS
Ratio of Representation
Legislature Population
Ratio
Under the
Government of
India Act, 1935
Under the
proposed
scheme
Centre .. .. 1.50 2.40 4
Punjab .. .. 13.20 18.29 21
EFFECT ON HINDUS
Population Ratio of Representation
Legislature Ratio Under the
Government of
India Act, 1935
Under the
proposed
scheme
Bengal 30.00 20.00 33
Punjab 22.10 20.00 28
Sind 23.80 31.60 40
VII
PRINCIPLES UNDERLYING THE PROPOSALS
I may now proceed to state the principles on which this distribution has
been made. They are :
(1) Majority Rule is untenable in theory and unjustifiable in practice.
A majority community may be conceded a relative majority of
representation but it can never claim an absolute majority.*
*I have not framed any scheme of representation for the North-West Frontier province as the
minority is so small that even the Principle of relative majority cannot help it.
PDF page 389 (printed page 374)
374 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
(2) The relative majority of representation given to a majority community
in the legislature should not be so large as to enable the majority
to establish its rule with the help of the smallest minorities.
(3) The distribution of seats should be so made that a combination of
the majority and one of the major minorities should not give the
combine such a majority as to make them impervious to the interest
of the minorities.
(4) The distribution should be so made that if all the minorities combine
they could, without depending on the majority, form a government
of their own.
(5) The weightage taken from the majority should be distributed among
the minorities in inverse proportion to their social standing, economic
position and educational condition so that a minority which is large
and which has a better social, educational and economic standing gets
a lesser amount of weightage than a minority whose numbers are
less and whose educational, economic and social position is inferior
to that of the others.
If I may say so, the representation is a balanced representation. No
one community is placed in a position to dominate others by reason of its
numbers. The Muslim objection to the Hindu majority and the Hindu and
Sikh objections to the Muslim majority are completely eliminated, both in
the Central as well as in the Provinces.
VIII
NATURE OF THE ELECTORATE
With regard to the question of electorates the following propositions
should be accepted :
(1) Joint electorate or separate electorate is a matter of machinery for
achieving a given purpose. It is not a matter of principle.
(2) The purpose is to enable a minority to select candidates to the
Legislature who will be real and not nominal representatives of the
minority.
(3) While separate electorate gives an absolute guarantee to the minority,
that its representatives will be no others except those who enjoy
its confidence, a system of joint electorates which will give equal
protection to the minorities should not be overlooked.
(4) A Four-member constituency, with a right to the minorities to have
a double vote and requiring a minimum percentage of minority votes,
may be considered as a possible substitute.
PDF page 390 (printed page 375)
COMMUNAL DEADLOCK AND A WAY TO SOLVE IT 375
IX
MATTERS NOT COVERED
(i) QUESTION OF SPECIAL SAFEGUARDS
There are other demands made on behalf of particular minorities such as :
(1) Provision of a Statutory Officer to report on the condition of minorities.
(2) Statutory provision of State aid for education, and
(3) Statutory provision for land settlement. But they are not of a communal
character, I do not therefore wish to enlarge upon them here.
(ii) ABORIGINAL TRIBES
It will be obvious that my proposals do not cover the Aboriginal Tribes
although they are larger in number than the Sikhs, Anglo Indians, Indian
Christians and Parsees. I may state the reasons why I have omitted them
from my scheme. The Aboriginal Tribes have not as yet developed any political
sense to make the best use of their political opportunities and they may easily
become mere instruments in the hands either of a majority or a minority and
thereby disturb the balance without doing any good to themselves. In the
present stage of their development it seems to me that the proper thing to
do for these backward communities is to establish a Statutory Commission to
administer what are now called the ‘excluded areas’ on the same basis as was
done in the case of the South African Constitution. Every Province in which
these excluded areas are situated should be compelled to make an annual
contribution of a prescribed amount for the administration of these areas.
(iii) INDIAN STATES
It will also be noticed that my proposals do not include the Indian States.
I am not opposed to the inclusion of the Indian States, provided the terms
and conditions of inclusion are such—
(1) that the dichotomy of divided sovereignty between British India and
Indian States is completely done away with,
(2) that the judicial and political boundaries which separate British India
from Indian States will disappear, that there will be no such entities
as British India or Indian States and in their place there will be only
one entity namely India, and
(3) that the terms and conditions of inclusion do not prevent India from
having full and plenary powers of a Dominion. I have worked out a
scheme for the fusion of the Indian States and British India, which
will permit the realization of these objects. I do not wish to overburden
this address with the details of the plan. For the moment, it is better
if British India marches to her goal without complicating its progress
by an entanglement with the Indian States.