Vol. 13 · pages 466–470
The Principal Architect of the Constitution of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 466
substantial number was available or not should be dragged into a
court of law, to be determined by the court ? I cannot see any other
way out of the difficulty. Either you must leave the interpretation of
the word “substantial” to the Executive or to the judiciary and in my
judgment neither of the methods would be a safe method to enable
the minority to achieve its object. Therefore my submission is that we
should be satisfied with the fact that it is such a universal principle
that no provincial government can justifiably abrogate it without
damage to a considerable part of the population in the matter of its
educational rights. Therefore, I submit that the article as amended
should be accepted by the House.
*****
[Following 3 amendments were adopted. Six amendments were negatived.]
(1) “That in clause (1) of article 23, for the words “script and culture”
the words “script or culture” he substituted “.
(2) That in clause (3) of article 23, the word “community” wherever
it occurs be deleted.
(3) That for clause (2) of article 23, the following be substituted :—
“No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational institution
maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State funds on grounds
only of religion, race, caste, language or any of them” ;
and sub-clauses (a) and (b) of clause (3) of article 23 be renumbered as
new article 23-A.”
[Article 23, as amended was adopted and added to the Constitution.]
*****
ARTICLE 24
*Shri T. T. Krishnamachari (Madras : General) : It is the desire
of many Honourable Members of this House that this article should
not be taken up now, but taken up later, because we are really
considering various amendments to it so as to arrive at a compromise
and Dr. Ambedkar will bear me out in regard to this fact.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (Bombay : General) : Yes,
Sir, I request that article No. 24 be kept back.
Mr. Vice-President : Is that the wish of the House ?
Hoonourable Members : Yes.
Mr. Z. H. Lari (United Provinces : Muslim) : Then what about
article 15, Sir?
*CAD, Vol. VII, 9th December 1948, p. 930.
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Mr. Vice-President : The consideration of that article has been
postponed for the time being.
*****
ARTICLE 25
*The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Sir, I do not think that
because this article is subject to the provisions of the other articles
to which my Honourable Friend, Mr. Karimuddin has referred, it
is not possible for us to consider this article now, because, as will
be seen, supposing we do make certain changes in article 285 or
others relating to that matter, we could easily make consequential
changes in article 25. Therefore, it will not be a bar. Therefore, it is
perfectly possible for us to consider article 25 at this stage without
any prejudice to any consequential change being introduced therein.
Supposing some changes were made in the articles that follow ......
Kazi Syed Karimuddin : Then why not postpone this ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : No.
Mr. Vice-President : I am going to put this amendment to vote,
because if it is carried, then the consideration of all the amendments
will be postponed.
Mr. Vice-President : The question is :
“That the consideration of this clause be postponed till the consideration
of Part XI of this Draft Constitution.”
The motion was negatived.
*****
†Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : Perhaps there is some mis-print; I do
not know. If there is no mis-print it is certainly open to the comment
that it is vague.
The only point that I had in mind was that the right to move
the Supreme Court by appropriate proceedings is guaranteed. I
wanted to allow the people to move other Courts also. If there is a
fundamental right granted here, and if any poor man is forced to
move the Supreme Court
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : See sub-clause (3).
Mr. Naziruddrn Ahmad : That sub-clause empowers some other
specified Courts to deal with this subject ; but I wanted to make it
more general, that the fundamental rights should be capable of being
enforced by a motion in any Court....
*CAD, Vol. VII, 9th December 1948, p. 931.
† Ibid., 931.
434 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
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*****
Shri H. V. Kamath : ...I hope that Dr. Ambedkar will tell us why he
thinks it necessary to specify the particular writs here and not just leave it
to the Supreme Court to decide what particular writs or orders or directions
it should issue in any particular case. I hope he will not merely send or
prestige or some such consideration will give satisfactory and valid reasons
why we should insist on mentioning these particular writs in this clause of
the article.
*The Honourable B. R. Ambedkar : Sir, I understand that Mr. M. A.
Baig is not in the House. Will you permit me to move 789. I am going to
accept this amendment. It shall have to be moved formally.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : I desire to move it if that is acceptable to the
House.
Mr. Vice-President: Does the House permit Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad to
move this ?
Honourable Members : Yes.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : Sir, I move:
“That in clause (2) of article 25, for the words ‘in the nature of the writs of the
words ‘or writs, including writs in the nature of’ be substituted.”
Sir, this is a red letter day in my life in this House, that this is a single
amendment which is going to be accepted. This amendment is a foster-child
of mine and that is why perhaps the Honourable Member is going to accept
it. It requires no explanation.
Shri H. V. Kamath : On a point of order. Is my Friend right in saying it
is going to be accepted when it is only moved.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : I heard a rumour that it is going to be accepted.
Mr. Vice-President : Nos. 791 and 792 are disallowed as verbal
amendments.
(Amendment No. 793 was not moved.)
Mr. Vice-President : Nos. 794, 795 and 799 are similar and are to be
considered together. 794 is allowed to be moved.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : With your permission I will just
make one or two corrections to some words which crept into the drafting by
mistake. Sir, with those corrections, my amendment will read as follows : *
“That for the existing sub-clause (3) of article 25, the following clause be
substituted :
‘Without pejudice to the powers conferred on the Supreme Court by clause (1)
and (2) of this article. Parliament may by law empower any other Court to exercise
within the local limits of its jurisdiction all or any of the powers exercisable by the
Supreme Court under clause (2) of this article.’ ”
*CAD. Vol. VII, 9th December 1948, p. 933.
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The reason for inserting these clauses (1) and (2) is because clauses
(1) and (2) refer to the Supreme Court.
*****
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Mr. Vice-President,
Sir, of the amendments that have been moved to this article I
can only accept amendment No. 789 which stood in the name of
Mr. Baig but which was actually moved by Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad.
I accept it because it certainly improves the language of the draft.
With regard to the other amendments I shall first of all take up
the amendment (No. 801) moved by Mr. Tajamul Husain and the
amendment (No. 802) moved by Mr. Karimuddin. Both of them are
of an analogus character. The object of the amendment moved by
Mr. Tajamul Husain is to delete altogether sub-clause (4) of this
article and Mr. Karimuddin’s amendment is to limit the language of
sub-clause (4) by the introduction of the words ‘in case of rebellion
or invasion’.
Now, Sir, with regard to the argument that clause (4) should be
deleted, I am afraid, if I may say so without any offence, that it
is a very extravagent demand, a very tall order. There can be no
doubt that while there are certain fundamental rights which the
State must guarantee to the individual in order that the individual
may have some security and freedom to develop his own personality,
it is equally clear that in certain cases where, for instance, the
State’s very life is in jeopardy, those rights must be subject to
a certain amount of limitation. Normal peaceful times are quite
different from times of emergency. In times of emergency the life
of the State itself is in jeopardy and if the State is not able to
protect itself in times of emergency, the individual himself will be
found to have lost his very existence. Consequently, the superior
right of the State to protect itself in times of emergency, so that it
may survive that emergency and live to discharge its functions in
order that the individual under the aegis of the State may develop,
must be guaranteed as safely as the right of an individual. I
know of no Constitution which gave fundamental rights but which
gives them in such a manner as to deprive the State in times of
emergency to protect itself by curtailing the rights of the individual.
You take any Constitution you like, where fundamental rights are
guaranteed ; you will also find that provision is made for the State to
*CAD, Vol. VII, 9th December 1948, p. 950.
436 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
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suspend these in times of emergency. So far, therefore, as the
amendment to delete clause (4) is concerned, it is a matter of
principle and I am afraid I cannot agree with the Mover of that
amendment and I must oppose it.
Now, Sir, I will go into details. My Friend Mr. Tajamul Husain
drew a very lurid picture by referring to various articles which
are included in the Chapter dealing with Fundamental Rights.
He said, here is a right to take water, there is a right to enter
a shop, there is freedom to go to a bathing ghat. Now, if clause
(4) came into operation, he suggested that all these elementary
human rights which the Fundamental part guarantees—of
permitting a man to go to a well to drink water, to walk on
the road, to go to a cinema or a theatre, without any let or
hindrance—will also disappear. I cannot understand from where
my friend Mr. Tajamul Husain got this idea. If he had referred
to article 279 which relates to the power of the President to
issue a proclamation of emergency, he would have found that
clause (4) which permits suspension of these rights refers only
to article 13 and to no other article. The only rights that/ would
be suspended under the proclamation issued by the President
under emergency are contained in article 13 ; all other articles
and the rights guaranteed thereunder would remain intact, none
of them would be affected. Consequently, the argument which
he presented to the House is entirely outside the provisions
contained in article 279.
Shri H. V. Kamath : What about article 280 ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : All that it does is to
suspend the remedies. I thought I would deal with that when I
was dealing with the general question as to the nature of these
remedies, and therefore I did not touch upon it here.
Taking up the point of Mr. Karimuddin, what he tries to do
is to limit clause (4) to cases of rebellion or invasion. I thought
that if he had carefully read article 275, there was really no
practical difference between the provisions contained in article
275 and the amendment which he has proposed. The power
to issue a proclamation of emergency vested in the President
by article 275 is confined only to cases when there is war or
domestic violence.
Kazi Syed Karimuddin : Even if war is only threatened ?
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